William James.
4
Nevertheless, James and Kramer engaged in parallel missions: to rescue their
fields from what they saw as dead-end debates; to promote innovative, forward-looking ques-
tions; and to synthesize promising new perspectives. Pairing these scholars together illuminates
broader insights for revitalization that are not discipline-specific. James and Kramer offer four
lessons that might inspire any scholar who wishes to reinvigorate a field of inquiry, who does not
shy away from big and bold questions, and, above all, who seeks to produce work that is useful.
First, they warned us that definitional debates can be intellectual traps. While it is certainly
important to define one’s terms, many of the seemingly intractable clashes within their respec-
tive fields actually hinged on mere semantic differences. Responding to his friends’ argument
about the squirrel, James observed that the dispute boiled down to the definition of “to go
round.” Did it mean that the man moved to the north, south, east, and west of the squirrel
(which he did), or did it mean that he faced the squirrel’s head, then one of its sides, then
its tail, and then the other side (which he did not)? With this simple distinction, James did
not fully resolve his companions’ arguments; they could still bicker over the proper definition
of “to go round.” But he took the first step in deflating the debate from the high realm of meta-
physical warfare to the more prosaic matter of dictionary entries.
Historians of the early 2000s also chased their tails in endless disagreements over whether and
when the United States has been an empire. Many relied on self-created definitions of empire,
which overlapped but were rarely identical, often consisting of a checklist of key characteristics
of past empires.
5
If U.S. international power did not meet every item on that checklist, it was
treated as inherently different from empire. Rather than facilitating meaningful comparisons
across time and space, such definitions ended up drawing strict lines around what could be com-
pared and precluded avenues of analysis. Stepping away from these “questions of semantics,”
Kramer recognized that “empire” is a concept invented by humans; it is not something with
an independent existence in the world, apart from the meaning that we give the word (1349).
He cautioned historians to “avoid connotations of unity and coherence—thingness—that tend
to adhere” to the word empire (1350). Thinking in terms of the imperial moves us past the
all-or-nothing, black-and-white litmus tests of empire, inviting historians to investigate the
gray areas.
Second, James and Kramer both encouraged a shift in focus from nouns to verbs—from
static concepts to activity, from substance to process, from plans and intentions to relationships
and consequences.
6
In his writings, James emphasized that any theory of the mind must rec-
ognize the ever-shifting flux of experience and sensation; his 1890 Principles of Psychology
coined the phrase “stream of consciousness” to describe the phenomenon of constant change
even amidst the perception of continuity.
7
Likewise, fluctuation and unsteadiness are inherent
even within seemingly stable projections of international power. Continuous, evolving struggles
and negotiations underlie relations ranging from domination to collaboration. Instead of focus-
ing on what the imperial is, Kramer suggested that “we should instead emphasize what it does
… it is these ends that are most critical, and not the use or non-use of the words ‘imperial’ and
4
Incidentally, James was an ardent anti-imperialist strongly opposed to U.S. occupation of the Philippines after
1898.
5
Some examples of these “checklist” definitions of empire, in which historians list two or more specific charac-
teristics that all empires must meet, include Jane Burbank and Frederick Cooper, Empires in World History: Power
and the Politics of Difference (Princeton, 2010), 8; Elizabeth Cobbs Hoffman, American Umpire (Cambridge, MA,
2013), 12; Niall Ferguson, Colossus: The Price of America’s Empire (New York, 2004), 10; and Charles S. Maier,
Among Empires: American Ascendancy and Its Predecessors (Cambridge, MA, 2006), 24–25. A. G. Hopkins cri-
tiques this type of exacting definition, remarking, “Historians … cannot define empires with the precision that bot-
anists can name plants.” A. G. Hopkins, American Empire: A Global History (Princeton, 2018), 22.
6
The observation that James shifted from living in nouns to living in verbs comes from Robert D. Richardson,
William James: In the Maelstrom of American Modernism (New York, 2006), 670.
7
See Chapter IX, “The Stream of Thought,” in William James, The Principles of Psychology, Volume I (New York,
1890).
Modern American History 151
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