An Innovation Diffusion Ideal-type on the History of American College Football Stadia

Journal of Issues in Intercollegiate Athletics Journal of Issues in Intercollegiate Athletics

Volume 13 Article 5

2020

An Innovation Diffusion Ideal-type on the History of American An Innovation Diffusion Ideal-type on the History of American

College Football Stadia College Football Stadia

Patrick Tutka

Niagara University

Chad Seifried

Louisiana State University

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An Innovation Diffusion Ideal-type on the History of

American College Football Stadia

__________________________________________________________

Patrick Tutka, Ph.D.

Niagara University

Chad Seifried, Ph.D.

Louisiana State University

________________________________________________________

The present study analyzes American college football stadia of the current Division I Football

Bowl Subdivision (FBS) membership from the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA)

from 1869 through 2019 using the concept of innovation diffusion. Within, we created a five-

stage ideal-type to highlight key innovations, environmental cues, social systems, and

communication channels that caused and/or explain the eventual development of the stadiums.

To complete this work, we utilized the historical method and incorporated various types of

renovation (i.e., restoration, reconstruction, rehabilitation, and preservation) into the analysis.

From 1869 thru 2019, we found evidence of over 1,800 playing grounds/construction projects.

Furthermore, we discovered institutions of higher education played in 137 pre-existing venues,

built 285 new facilities, and engaged in roughly 1,400 renovations of those venues. Regarding

renovation, rehabilitation represents the most prolific building activity followed by

reconstruction, preservation, and restoration. Finally, we offer information about what the past

trends in facility construction tell us about the prospective future.

Keywords: Innovation diffusion, ideal-type, history, football, stadium

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he notion of a stadium-building “arms race” has generated significant discussion

over several decades with respect to institutions of higher education (e.g., Cohane, 1951;

Edwards, 1984; Lewis, 1965; Kahn, 2007; Tsitsos & Nixon, 2012; Weyand, 1955; Young, 1886).

For instance, schools engaged in stadium construction or renovation activity since the late 19

century to produce more revenue, develop better quality venues for core participants, and capture

significant attention from alumni, fans, and the media with which they are constantly trying to

build and maintain relationships (Gaul, 2015; Oriard, 2001; Tsitsos & Nixon, 2012).

Regarding actual construction, commercial sponsorship and television deals prompted

significant structural changes (e.g., production space, signage, and camera locations) on sport

stadia because they provide significant financial resources to conferences and their member

universities (Gaul, 2015). Donors, offering substantial support to athletic departments with large

amounts of financial capital (Gaul, 2015; Kahn, 2007; Tsitsos & Nixon, 2012), also compelled

the creation of special seating options (e.g., luxury suites and club seating) and amenities for

them to enjoy (Mayer, Morse, & DeShriver, 2017; Titlebaum, DeMange, & Davis, 2012).

Increasing enrollments, population changes, and growing interest in football also encouraged the

development of new seating, restrooms, and concession stands among other items focused on

satiating consumer needs (Pfleegor & Seifried, 2015; Seifried, 2016; Seifried & Kellison, 2019;

Seifried & Novicevic, 2015; Seifried & Tutka, 2016).

Although not previously articulated, an underlying explanation of the stadium arms race

involves innovation diffusion. Rogers (2003) defined innovation diffusion as “the process by

which the adoption of innovation by member(s) of a social system is communicated through

certain channels and over time triggers mechanisms that increase the probability of its adoption

by other members who have not yet adopted it” (p. 20). The growth and spread of modern sport

stadia should be “conceptualized as a form of innovation diffusion” because, like sport, stadia

development occurred through a somewhat predictable “series of events” greatly influenced by

technology, geographic location, and environmental conditions (Bale, 1984, p.38). Interestingly,

Bale (1984) and Hong (2012) noted traditional diffusion research in sport is generally limited to

anthropological or cultural-centered diffusion but none to date used innovation diffusion as a

lens to understand stadia development as a cultural product. We value, as Hardy, Loy, and Booth

(2009) suggest, that stadia can be cultural products due to their ability to convey the values and

identity of a specific community and era at a particular point in time.

The present study analyzes American college football stadia of the current Division I

Football Bowl Subdivision (FBS) membership from the National Collegiate Athletic Association

(NCAA) during the late 19

century through 2019 using the concept of innovation diffusion to

identify the somewhat predictable, non-random “series of events” and innovations incorporated

into facilities over time. Notably, we believe the current research honors the call by Damanpour

and Schneider (2006) who argued for more intense study of “innovation characteristics” that help

individuals or institutions achieve and/or fulfill their goals and/or mission (p. 497). Within this

study, the historical method is used and an ideal-type narrative is employed as a heuristic device

to frame various stages of college football stadium construction to help anticipate future changes.

With respect the choice of a historical research approach, sport management scholars

previously (e.g., de Wilde and Seifried, 2018; de Wilde et al., 2010; Seifried, 2010, 2017)

advocated for the expansion of the field’s research approaches through the context-focused

methods. Of note, we assume an applied history approach because it promotes “knowledge or

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theory building” within “research of events, establishment of patterns, and attempts to

understand past settings/conditions to help practitioners and scholars of the present understand

more efficient ways to avoid failure and frustration with their practical and conceptual work”

(Seifried, Katz, & Tutka, 2017, p. 380). Brophy (2013) further advocated for the use of applied

history because trend assessments emanating from applied history can help practitioners ignore

or justify specific course of actions. Overall, we create an inventory of facility information on

stadia, which we believe will be useful to sport management practitioners and scholars to present

not only where facility design has been but also where facility construction is going.

The current research also highlights key innovations and environmental cues that caused

the eventual development of the stadiums to help schools meet their academic, social, and

financial goals. Within, we incorporate the concept of renovation broadly while also uniquely

applying Weeks and Grimmer’s (1995) various types of renovation (i.e., restoration,

reconstruction, rehabilitation, and preservation) to the analysis. Such a point is compelling

because many college and university stadia have long legacies and may have avoided razing in

favor of renovation activities due to the heritage built over time in those venues via innovations.

Lastly, we feel compelled to point out the context of the NCAA Division I FBS is attractive

because of the well-documented history and data available on their venues. Moreover, a variety

of scholars (e.g., Oriard, 2001; Smith, 2001; Watterson, 2002) advocated that learning the data

trends of the NCAA Division I FBS context can help support interests of athletic departments to

make responsible decisions regarding debates to build new or renovate.

Theoretical Framework

The current project views innovation diffusion as a social experience which makes use of

communication channels to create innovations or re-invent them to fit the specific needs of the

organizations that make up the social system (Carey & Mason, 2014; Hong, 2012; Rogers,

2003). Studies on innovation diffusion (Bale, 1984; Hong, 2012; Rogers, 2003; Seifried et al.,

2017) have traditionally examined the components of time, communication channels, social

systems, and geography. Thus, following Yates (2014) recommendation for conducting historical

research using theory, the following section explores those components and seeks to generate

answers to various research questions, which we utilize within the creation of ideal-type stages.

Time

Time is used as a way to measure the speed and success of innovation diffusion

(Compagni, Mele & Ravasi, 2015; Dearing, 2009; Rogers, 2003). Within this point, Rogers

(2003) suggested the adoption of innovation may vary based on five considerations: 1) relative

advantage, 2) compatibility, 3) complexity, 4) trialability, and 5) observability. Other works also

highlight interests in measuring the difference between the time gaining knowledge about an

innovation to the actual decision to adopt (Dearing, 2009; Dewett & Jones, 2001). Finally,

Seifried et al. (2017) positioned the adoption and diffusion of innovations is mediated by the

seriousness of environmental shocks. Environmental shocks create conditions that prompt the

coalition of opinion leaders in an institutional field to search for solutions or capitalize on

opportunities provided by the marketplace/environment (Seifried, et al. 2017). Presently, we ask:

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RQ 1: What were specific stadia-related innovations and how is their adoption/diffusion

timing related to various environmental cues?

Communication Channels

Communication is an obvious feature of innovation diffusion connected to time (Dearing,

2009; Seifried, et al., 2017). According to Rogers (2003), two main types of communication

channels exist: 1) mass media and 2) interpersonal. Mass media communication includes

platforms such as radio, television, newspapers, Internet, and social media platforms (Compagni,

et al., 2015; Dearing, 2009; English, 2016; Rogers, 2003). Previously, mass media

communication was conceptualized as a one-way process where senders transmitted information

but did not receive back communication (Rogers, 2003). However, social media platforms and

other forms of telecommunication created opportunities for interactive and simultaneous

information exchange or feedback between sender and receiver (Dearing, 2009; English, 2016;

Seifried et al., 2017); thus, changing the rate of diffusion and enhancing interpersonal

communication in the process. Interpersonal communication allows the possible adopter to speak

directly to the innovator in order to better understand how innovation should work or be

implemented (Seifried et al., 2017). Examples of mass media-interpersonal communication

include video conferencing, live streaming, and email. Ultimately, this collective information

compels the present research to inquire:

RQ 2: What types of communication channels emerged overtime to facilitate diffusion

and how was the timing of their invention connected to the adoption of

innovations within stadia? Are more visual and instantaneous forms of mass

communication channels associated with an increase in the rate of innovation

diffusion?

Social System

Social systems involve organizations or individuals that are motivated by similar goals

and may be driven by desires to cooperate (Dearing, 2009; Greenhalgh, Robert, Macfarlane,

Bate, & Kyriakidou, 2004). Seifried et al. (2017) suggested interpersonal communication takes

place amongst opinion leaders to discuss and ultimately select specific innovations (i.e.,

processes or products). Previous work also demonstrates interpersonal communication can be

impacted by gatekeepers (e.g., organizations) who possess the ability to directly influence the

success or rate of diffusion (Carey & Mason, 2014; English, 2016; Seifried et al., 2017). The star

power of gatekeepers is also potentially impactful as they can potentially control external

assessments on whether or not an innovation is attractive or less important. Saint and Roberts

(2015) further speculated gatekeepers are recognized by their ability to control information and

their access to networks capable of diffusing innovations. Assuming prestigious or highly-

recognized institutions of higher education are also the equivalent to star gatekeepers, we ask:

RQ 3: Who were the various emerging opinion leaders and star gatekeepers and in what

role did they generally serve regarding the introduction of stadia-related

innovations?

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Geography

Finally, multiple scholars (e.g., Bale, 1984; Johansson, 2011; Lanzolla & Suarez, 2011;

Seifried et al., 2017) argued that innovation diffusion was largely based on physical geography

(i.e., neighborhood effect). The neighborhood effect suggests similar organizations in the same

geographic area are more likely to adopt the same innovation versus those organizations

separated by large distances (Bale, 1984). For example, some research (e.g., Lanzolla & Suarez,

2012) discovered that organizations within close proximity are likely to use similar technology

and are likely to transfer knowledge due to neighborhood effects. Still, geography is not just

conceptualized anymore as physical space; it may also include virtual space via rising

prominence of communication technology and acceptance of extensibility (i.e.., “the use of

transportation and communication technology to help individuals and/or institutions imbue their

thoughts or actions (i.e., presence) to others outside their immediate location”) (Seifried, 2011, p.

515). Advancements in film, mobile technology, and television (e.g., high-definition television)

are particularly relevant to extensibility and subsequent diffusion, prompting us to ask:

RQ 4: Were institutions likely to adopt similar stadia-related innovations to those in their

physical geographic area and did advancements in telecommunication technology

reduce the impact of physical geography on innovation diffusion?

Method

The historical method is one interdisciplinary research approach used to develop or

capable of using theory to study organizations (Rowlinson, Hassard, & Decker, 2014; Seifried et

al., 2017; Walker, Seifried, & Soebbing, 2018; Yates, 2014). To realize this ambition, the

subsequent information outlines the pursuit of objectivism through various steps as previously

offered by Seifried (2010, 2017), Seifried et al. (2017), and Walker et al. (2018).

The first step of the present historical inquiry required the collection of both primary and

secondary documents on intercollegiate football stadia and playing surfaces from the first game

in 1869 through the end of 2019. Primary sources included multiple types of items from a variety

of locations. For instance, participation in archival work at both universities (n=40) and at the

NCAA headquarters provided information through presidential papers, architectural plans,

financing documents, student and local newspapers, game programs, organizational

reports/memorandums, letters of correspondence, and official media guides. Secondary sources

included history books, journal articles, and a variety of local and national newspapers. We also

used several popular databases like HathiTrust Digital, Nexis-Uni, Google Scholar, SportDiscus,

and the Avery Index to Architectural Periodicals to inform our research.

Media sources were important to the development of the project. For instance, as a

primary source, newspapers offered factual accounts of facilities while as a secondary source

they provided interpretations of events and behaviors of key personnel; all of which could be

corroborated to help address concerns for dissonant data (Seifried et al., 2018). Notably,

Deephouse and Suchman (2008) argued for this assumption as they suggested the mass media

could serve as a resource to identify the norms of an institutional field and practices of individual

organizations as legitimate.

The second step in the current research approach aimed to test the reliability of the

sources along with comparing different narratives and information on the same historical events

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to avoid selection bias toward specific conclusions (Rowlinson et al., 2014; Seifried, 2017). Also

known as the source criticism, this test includes checks for internal and external validity

(Seifried, 2010, 2017). The present internal criticism involved examining documents for gaps in

data and explanations based on the author’s intended audience. Further, we assessed their

reputation as an author, skill and experience producing research-based findings, and/or access to

resources (Seifried, 2010, 2017). The external criticism attempted to authenticate documents as

being complete and included verifying dates (Seifried, 2010). With respect to reliability, we

attempted to secure documents as close as possible to the construction or renovation date.

Further, we worked with archivists and sought out use of finding aids or document catalogs. For

historical researchers, it is critical to acknowledge the use of special collections or archives

because it serves as significant “paradigmatic [. . .] disciplinary marker” (King, 2012, p. 13).

The third step in the present historical research approach compelled us to analyze and

interpret the evidence tied to new construction and renovation. The researchers began by

classifying information prior to triangulation (Seifried, 2010, 2017). For instance, the present

study was only interested in identifying major renovations. Thus, we followed the frame

established by Energy Efficiency (2010) who positioned those projects as efforts to substantially

upgrade a facility and/or alter its layout. Finally, our system included classifying various

renovations under Weeks and Grimmer’s (1995) framework. Preservation serves to sustain “the

existing form, integrity, and materials of a historic property” (Weeks & Gimmer, 1995, p. 16).

Rehabilitation involves attempts to improve a property through repair and alternations that

features appreciation for consumer and participant preferences (Weeks & Gimmer, 1995).

Reconstruction comprises efforts to replace and/or rebuild non-surviving structures for the

purpose of replicating its purpose (Weeks & Gimmer, 1995). Restoration contains work meant to

depict the “features, and character of a property at a particular period of time” (Weeks &

Gimmer, 1995, p. 116).

To organize the emerging themes, the researchers also documented specific changes

using a spreadsheet of stadium-related innovations. Sample information collected includes:

1. School Name

2. Conference

3. Stadia/Field Name

4. Location of Stadia

5. New or Renovation

6. Type of Renovation (i.e., Preservation, Restoration, Reconstruction, Rehabilitation, or

Combination)

7. Dome/Outdoor

8. Cost

9. Capacity

10. Parking

11. Number of Luxury Suites and/or Club Seats

12. Press Box

13. Type of Score/Videoboards

14. Disabled Seats

15. Number of Restrooms/Fixtures

16. Number of Concession Stands/Points of Sale

17. Lights

18. Seating (e.g., bleacher, chair back, grandstand, and standing).

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Triangulation stresses the inclusion of multiple sources and notably through our spreadsheet, we

were able to organize the data into stages of development regarding innovation diffusion.

Ultimately, the collection of this data and various anecdotes led the researchers to

organize the analysis through use of an ideal-type narrative because it connects well with

diffusion. More specifically, an ideal-type was employed because it incorporates the use of

stages to “reduce the interpretive gap…helps to create an image of how history happens through

a calculated and thoughtful collection of human activity” (Tutka & Seifried, 2015, p. 21).

Furthermore, ideal-types act similarly to theoretical models in that each stage is systematically

constructed to organize shared but essential characteristics (Tutka & Seifried, 2015).

Results and Discussion

The results and discussion feature a five-stage ideal-type of innovation diffusion. The

ideal-type incorporates the various components of innovation diffusion, while also secondarily

identifying the emergence of specific innovations overtime. Our analysis involved 130 Division I

FBS institutions. Information from eight Ivy League schools is also presented through Stage 3 as

the Ivy League schools were influential on the development of football until their de-emphasis of

sport following World War II (Watterson, 2002). From 1869 thru 2019, we found evidence of

over 1,800 playing grounds/construction projects. Within, we discovered institutions of higher

education played in 137 pre-existing venues, built 285 new facilities, and engaged in roughly

1,400 renovations of those venues. Regarding renovation, rehabilitation represents the most

prolific building activity followed by reconstruction, preservation, and restoration (Table 1).

With respect to RQ1, the present study found the following list of 20 innovations that

physically altered stadia at institutions of higher education. This list includes:

1. Rules of play

2. Open field to enclosure

3. Uncovered wooden bleachers and covered grandstand seating

4. Reinforced steel and concrete

5. Parking

6. Restrooms

7. Concessions

8. Press boxes and media production space

9. Scoreboards (i.e., manual, electric, digital, and high-definition)

10. Stadium lights

11. Radio

12. Locker rooms and training rooms

13. Administrative/coaching offices

14. Television

15. Turf (i.e., artificial fields)

16. President box, luxury suites, and club seating

17. Disabled seating

18. Advertising signage and naming rights

19. Various connected building (e.g., retail, dormitories, academic services)

20. Wireless/mobile technology

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Next, the present research discovered these innovations were influenced by a variety of

environmental influences. For instance, we found the following impacted the diffusion process:

1. Progress and expansion of railroads/trains and highways/automobiles

2. Expansion of newspaper coverage

3. Invention of photography, telephone, television, and Internet

4. Rules standardization

5. Formation of athletic associations and conferences

6. Recognition of sport as a source of revenue, vehicle to develop alumni relationships,

and tool to attract student enrollment

7. Increase in local or regional population and economic growth

8. Weather and fires

9. World War I memorials

10. Radio and advertising

11. Growth in sport architecture/engineering firms and academic journals

12. Development of athletic fundraising foundations

13. Great Depression and corresponding Works Progress Administration or Public Works

Administration funds

14. World War II

15. Serviceman Readjustment Act (i.e., G.I. Bill) of 1944

16. NCAA Television Committee and NCAA v. Board of Regents of the University of

Oklahoma (1984)

17. American with Disabilities Act of 1990

18. Academic/campus services (e.g., tutoring)

19. Student-athlete recruiting

20. Increasing demand by fans for amenities.

Information regarding RQ2 thru RQ4 is presented within the ideal-type stage narratives below.

Stage 1: 1869-1903

The earliest versions of college football were primarily organized before the 1860s by

students in the Northeast as part of spontaneously emerging class competitions (Ingrassia, 2012).

Standardized rules did not exist and faculty or administrative oversight was not present so

students were the first opinion leaders. The thought to build or play in enclosed facilities for

what was described as semi-organized chaos was not a priority for student participants (Camp &

Deland, 1896). Early college football was not a mature business activity or initially developed

with commercial purposes in mind. Thus, early college football games were commonly played

on nearby city grounds or open multi-purpose campus fields that frequently offered little to no

seating, prompting some spectators to walk the field as the line of scrimmage changed (Camp &

Deland, 1896; Oriard, 1995).

Gradually, college football became more popular on campuses prompting students and

their schools to form on-campus athletic associations (e.g., Harvard 1860; Princeton 1871, and

Yale 1872) in order to organize events against other schools and to capture revenues. These

school athletic associations typically charged a small membership fee to help fund the costs of

playing football (i.e., equipping the team and leasing venues) and for travel to games against

opponents in places like New York City (e.g., Polo Grounds), Hoboken (NJ- St. George Cricket

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Grounds), New Haven (CT- Hamilton Park) and Springfield (MA- Hampden Park), where

enclosed professional sport facilities (e.g., baseball, cricket, horse racing) already existed (Lewis,

1965; Watterson, 2002; Weyand, 1955; Young 1887). These early enclosures were often owned

by entrepreneurs and rented by participating teams, who believed interested spectators would

make use of trains to travel to these sites (Lewis, 1965). Other attendees who brought their horse

drawn carriages as a vehicle to sit and watch games were charged more (Smith, 1990).

Revenue earned from admission fees ultimately encouraged the development of enclosed

temporary venues on campus (i.e., Stage 1). By hosting games on campus, schools avoided

paying rental fees and could secure a greater portion of the gate receipts, the only source of

revenue being produced at this time (Ingrassia, 2012). To gauge their performance and to prepare

for opponents, standardized rules were developed by interest associations in the 1870s and

beyond, permanently shifting the control of athletics to the institution and emerging opinion

leaders like alumni and university officials. The Intercollegiate Football Association (ICFA)

formed the first set of standardized rules in 1876 (Camp & Deland, 1896). Charter members of

the ICFA included prestigious institutions such as Harvard, Yale, Princeton, and Columbia (i.e.,

star gatekeepers) who directly impacted the development of Stage 1 on-campus facilities. As an

example, the ICFA established a standardized field as 330 ft. by 160 ft. (Camp & Deland, 1896).

The power and prestige of star gatekeepers compelled others to adopt the ICFA rules

because many institutions wanted to associate with these institutions, enjoy the revenues

generated from competing against those schools, and possibly create a schedule featuring them

(Lewis, 1965). As further evidence, university presidents and leading members of alumni groups

throughout the U.S. sent letters to athletic committee leaders at Yale, Harvard, and Princeton

requesting former players come to their schools, teach the game, and set up their facilities (Camp

& Deland, 1896; Ingrassia, 2012). As coaches left the Northeast, their diffusion provided

important interpersonal communication opportunities for institutions to quickly learn about how

the leading schools in the Northeast not only played football but how they organized their

sporting grounds.

The emergence of 80,000 miles of railroad tracks linking cities to college campuses and

other cities also facilitated the diffusion of football and knowledge about facilities by 1880

(Lucas & Smith, 1978). Newspapers further prompted interest in rivalries and the creation of

seats and campus enclosures. As an example, by the turn of the century major newspapers

supported several dedicated writers to cover football (Lewis, 1965; Oriard, 1995). Their stories

were often informed by other communication technology such as the telegraph and film, which

increased the spread of information across the country. Newspapers and magazines on occasion

discussed the playing field in some detail. However, sketches of games regularly appearing in

newspapers and major magazines were more common with respect to depicting playing grounds.

From a geographic perspective, conferences in the Midwest (Western Conference- i.e.,

Big Ten) and the South (e.g., Southern Intercollegiate Athletic Association) emerged by the

1890s as significant social systems (Ingrassia, 2012; Oriard, 2001). These conferences

demonstrate further evidence of a neighborhood effect as members shared information via

interpersonal communication about the rules of football and facility arrangements. For instance,

following the creation of the Big Ten in 1895, seven member schools either constructed new

venues or made renovations to existing venues in the next five years making them similar in size.

The development of on-campus facilities started with the construction of Jarvis Field

(Harvard) in 1874. Shortly thereafter, the neighborhood effect occurred with Princeton building

University Field in 1877 before Yale erected Yale Field in 1884. Penn similarly constructed the

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University Athletic Grounds in 1885 and Franklin Field in 1895 as significant on campus

structures. Likewise, Cornell created Percy Field in 1889, Dartmouth built the Alumni Oval in

1893, and Brown assembled Andrews Field in 1899. The neighborhood effect also surfaced in

the Midwest including new fields at Northwestern (1892), Michigan (1893), and the University

of Chicago (1893) among others in the region. Out West, California-Berkeley developed West

Field in 1885, which was followed by six other schools in the region. Interestingly, facility

development was delayed in the South, which this work attributes to infrastructure issues

following the American Civil War and poor resources (Blanton, 2014; Lucas & Smith, 1978).

A notable number of expansions also occurred before the end of the 19

century to take

advantage of the burgeoning interest in football. Harvard reconstructed Jarvis Field in 1883,

which later prompted the reconstruction of Princeton’s University Field in 1885 (Cohane, 1951;

Presbrey & Moffatt, 1901). Yale Field was similarly reconstructed but also rehabbed (i.e.,

regraded playing surface) in 1890 before receiving new bleachers again in 1897. Princeton also

continued to add new bleachers in 1890 just before Harvard built Soldiers Field in 1894.

Elsewhere, expansions occurred at the original venues of Michigan (1896), Iowa (1899), and

Purdue (1899) among others in the Midwest. These renovation efforts were reconstruction and

expansions of previous wooden bleachers. No restrooms, concessions, or anything else we

consider to be part of a modern stadium were present. Of note, the construction of large

grandstands occurred to accommodate increasing enrollments and alumni who started donating

money for not only the expansion projects underway but also other campus buildings. Fans and

media raved about the excitement of play and larger facilities that produced gates of over

$20,000 for the biggest games of the late 19

century (Watterson, 2002). Yet, the failures of

small campus grandstands and bleacher sections to support larger crowds led officials from

across the country to examine stronger and longer lasting construction materials.

Stage 2: 1904-1929

The diffusion of reinforced concrete and steel as an innovation revolutionized the college

football spectacle and solidified permanent stadia as an important legitimacy marker for what it

meant to be a modern university (Ingrassia, 2012). As an example, the development of on-

campus permanent stadia (n=111) allowed universities to promote the university through their

ability to host large capacities, which included increasing student enrollment numbers (Oriard,

1995; Watterson, 2002). Stadiums were also developed to be significantly larger than the

surrounding population with the notable purpose of bringing alumni, future prospective students,

and visitors to the university and city for football games (Ingrassia, 2012; Toma, 2003).

Harvard opened the first reinforced concrete and steel venue (i.e., Harvard Stadium) in

November 1903 for $300,000. Through assistance of alumni, who provided approximately

$100,000 in gifts to build the U-Shaped structure, Harvard was able to accommodate a large

number of seats (i.e., 30,000) but also provide better and safer seating options (Blanton, 2014).

One particular focus involved discouraging spectators from interrupting play on the field and

improving egress and ingress along with horizontal and vertical circulation. Regarding these

points, the design of Harvard Stadium included several entrance/exit and stairway spaces, offered

wider concourses than its predecessor, and positioned the first row of seating nine-feet above the

field. Further interests in reinforced steel and concrete centered on avoiding collapse and damage

by fire, which plagued wooden venues. In Stage 1, the present study found at least 20 fires

damaged sport venues in the 1890s (e.g., Michigan’s Regents Field in 1895). Simultaneously,

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others suffered collapse due to weather or natural deterioration (e.g., Pittsburgh’s Recreation

Park in 1897). This finding is significant as these events led to injury and exposed institutions to

lawsuits.

The larger and safer reinforced steel and concrete venues notably captured more revenues

from gate receipts than their predecessors not just because of their size and safety but thru other

attractive amenities that served to increase comfort. For instance, although manual scoreboards

emerged first, electronic scoreboards gradually surfaced as significant innovations through the

information they provided. The current study discovered over 50 schools added one scoreboard

with some adding a second scoreboard during renovations. Most of these scoreboards were basic,

with just information about the score and time, but a few were more advanced. For instance, the

Grid Graph scoreboard installed in the original construction of Tiger Stadium at Louisiana State

(LSU) used illuminated light bulbs to provide spectators information about the type of play,

players involved, and the position of the ball on the field (Seifried, 2016).

Notably, some universities also incorporated restrooms and concession stands into their

new venues to improve spectator comfort. Examples include LSU and Stanford whom

constructed a total of 16 and 19 restrooms when they opened in 1924 and 1921 respectively.

Interestingly, permanent concession stands did not emerge until 1914 although portable stands

were present in and outside stadia. The first stands appeared in the Midwest at Chicago’s

Wrigley Field and expectedly, Midwestern schools were the earliest adopters of concession

stands (Tutka, 2016). As with restrooms, some venues remained ahead of others. For example,

Pitt Stadium supported 14 concessions stands when it opened in 1925 and California Memorial

Stadium possessed 13. In contrast, the Yale Bowl offered no restrooms when it opened in 1914.

Overall, we found the importance of geographic proximity/conference association as significant

in their diffusion.

The final major innovation impacting stadiums during Stage 2 involved the mass media.

Over the previous decades more newspapers began to cover college football, which prompted the

need for special reserved space for the press (i.e., press boxes). Overall, the present study found

over 60 universities incorporated press spaces into their stadiums during Stage 2. In the 19

century, it should be noted that press spaces did exist but many were small simple open spaces

(Oriard, 2001; Smith, 1990). Press boxes of the early 20

century were also small and simple but

they became private enclosed spaces to provide more secluded working conditions for the press.

Following the erection of Harvard Stadium, the overall diffusion of reinforced steel and

concrete occurred slowly at first and was impacted significantly by physical geography and

available resources. Schools in the Northeast, with fewer funding resources, tended to build

smaller stadiums that modeled directly either Harvard Stadium or the 71,000-seat Yale Bowl

built in 1914. Syracuse University’s Archbold Stadium (1907) was the first major reinforced

steel and concrete facility to follow Harvard Stadium. Like Harvard Stadium, the 23,000-seat

Archbold Stadium supported 30 entrance/exit tunnels and provided electricity inside the facility.

Interestingly, to save money on construction costs, Syracuse selected a natural depression near a

hillside they excavated to help build the facility. Yale also followed the Syracuse approach and

used excavated material to create the 70,000-seat Yale Bowl. Moreover, Yale provided several

acres of parking for 8,000 cars as the automobile industry grew after the assembly line

transformed not only the number of cars produced in 1913 but lowered the costs to own an

automobile (Ingrassia, 2012). Elsewhere, Princeton University similarly built Palmer Stadium in

1914 while Cornell University constructed Schoellkopf Field in 1915 with parking in mind.

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Following the end of World War I in 1918, a stadium-building boom occurred outside the

Northeast. More specifically, the present research found 58 new college stadiums constructed

and 67 renovations between 1920 and 1929. First, in the Midwest and in some Western locations,

the construction of stadia served as World War I memorials to substantiate their place as a

significant campus building. Like their Northeastern peers, those stadia and subsequent

renovations surfaced to be significantly larger than the surrounding community with the purpose

of bringing alumni and future students to university for football games via the spectacle of play

and showcase of campus spirit (Ingrassia, 2012; Toma, 2003). In the Midwest, Ohio State and

Michigan notably followed the original designs of Harvard and Yale’s U-Shape and bowl

designs. On the West Coast, California and Stanford also built large venues, following the

designs of Harvard and Yale; however, most other schools in less populated areas of the Midwest

and West Coast regions built significantly smaller venues (i.e., under 20,000). In the South, new

and emerging buildings were also typically small (i.e., 15,000). However, some football-playing

schools in the South (e.g., Georgia, North Carolina, Alabama, and Vanderbilt) established their

own large venues seating over 20,000 before 1930 as the popularity and quality of football in the

South improved.

The diffusion of the aforementioned innovations occurred through interpersonal

communication such as the developing social systems of conferences and the NCAA. Regional

conferences were made up of schools in close geographic proximity to each other (Lewis, 1965).

The success of the Big Ten and Southern Intercollegiate Athletic Association spawned interest in

establishing additional conferences such as the Big 8 Conference (1907), Southwest Conference

(1914), Pacific Coast Conference (1915), and Southern Conference (1921). All of these leagues

included major football-playing schools that produced rivalries and subsequent pressure to adopt

similar innovations through natural comparisons regarding their facilities.

In 1906, the Intercollegiate Athletic Association of the United States (IAAUS) formed

with the purpose of overseeing intercollegiate athletics. Renamed the NCAA in 1910, the

association helped develop a distinct social system that sought to facilitate competition and

standardize playing grounds for likeminded and similarly resourced institutions. Within annual

meetings, school opinion leaders drove diffusion and, in some instances, the conferences

outlined the requirements for membership as including certain facility accommodations

(Seifried, 2016). Such adoption patterns should not be a surprise as Greenhalgh et al. (2004)

argued competition emanating from opinion leaders increases the rate of adoption. In the case of

intercollegiate football, schools in direct competition with each other often built facilities within

a short time period of each other as they did not want to fall behind their direct competition for

students on and off the field (Ingrassia, 2012; Smith, 2008).

Finally, another type of the mass media, beyond newspapers, impacted the diffusion of

stadium-related innovation for the first time. Specifically, we found sport-related journals,

particularly for those interested in operations and facility development, provided critical

information. From a facilities perspective, The Athletic Journal shared information about

stadiums being developed around the country during the 1920s. For instance, in 1926, the journal

offered information about Minnesota’s Memorial Stadium (Steward, 1926), Cincinnati’s Nippert

Stadium (Chambers, 1926) and the Los Angeles’ Memorial Coliseum (Farmer, 1926). Within,

the articles provided specifics related to the size of the venue and the costs of construction.

Non-sport journals also offered information about the construction of college football

venues, substantiating their prominence as a legitimacy marker and promotional tool for

institutions. More specifically, the Engineering News-Record (e.g., “The Palmer Memorial,”

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1914) and American Architect devoted space to the construction of several college football

venues. As one example, Howard Dwight Smith’s (1920) tour of stadia at Harvard, Princeton,

and Yale discussed specific attributes of each along with their construction challenges. The

present study also found Osborn Engineering designed and constructed several college structures

during Stage 2 suggesting those structures likely shared many similarities, leading to enhanced

diffusion. Osborn managed the construction of Michigan Stadium, the Minnesota’s Memorial

Stadium, Notre Dame Stadium and the Military Academy’s (i.e., Army) Miche Stadium among

many others after they started work on sport facilities in 1905.

Stage 3: 1930-1946

Stage 3 involved some new construction projects (n=30) but the number of renovations

(n=83) established expansive rehabilitations as a new phase of stadia development. The key

features of the rehabilitations primarily involved stadium expansion as gate receipts remained the

main revenue source; however, the multiplication of amenities for players, spectators, and media

personnel also impacted construction projects.

With respect to the players, locker rooms and training rooms were frequently renovated

across this era to improve conditions for them. Regarding spectator amenities, the number of

restrooms and concession stands continued to improve (Table 2). However, the incorporation of

lights into stadia was an important innovation to not only provide a new type of spectacle (i.e.,

night football) but also because it served as a logical solution to combat early fall evenings and

difficulties imposed by the Great Depression (e.g., competing against the search for work during

daylight hours). Night games were rare before the Great Depression with only a few schools like

Cincinnati and Syracuse hosting contests before the 1930s. However, the attendance success that

schools enjoyed when incorporating lights encouraged other in their region to add those

structures. As one example, in the South, LSU added lights to Tiger Stadium in 1931 based on

the success Loyola University (New Orleans) experienced (Seifried, 2016). Out West, the

present study found lights installed at places like Arizona, Arizona State, Oregon State,

Washington, Brigham Young, and Hawaii among others during the 1930s for similar reasons.

For the media, press boxes were altered in several ways. First, they were expanded to

accommodate newspapers who required more space for equipment (e.g., typewriters and

telephones). Second, and more importantly, radio emerged as a significant innovation impacting

stadia renovation. Radio was introduced to college football stadia in the 1910s and 1920s

initially to broadcast special events like the annual Harvard-Yale game and the Rose Bowl

(Oriard, 2001; “Radio to Broadcast,” 1923; Smith, 2001). Within, telephone lines connected to

the stadium allowed for the broadcasting of games beyond the local community (Barnouw, 1966;

“Engineer Explains How,” 1926). Radio was not a new invention as Guglielmo Marconi and

others had been effectively using the technology since the turn of the century to communicate

across large bodies of water for shipping purposes (Tutka, 2016). However, radio was underused

before the 1930s despite the fact that nearly 130 universities held licenses to broadcast by 1925

(O’Toole, 2013). What changed was the number consumers who had access to radios (i.e., over

12 million homes by 1930; Oriard, 2001) and the number of stations that desired to profit from

sponsorships sold for broadcasts (i.e., over 1,500 stations by 1930; Ruben, 2010). Natural breaks

in the action within football contests provided attractive opportunities to radio stations and

advertisers to work together to promote products and services (Oriard, 2001; Smith, 2001).

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Universities saw the value of radio initially through the publicity broadcasts provided

them. Thus, few schools initially sought out commercial advertisers for broadcast rights

(O’Toole, 2013). However, the Great Depression prompted universities to seek out new revenue

streams as gate receipts decreased. By the mid-1930s, schools and conferences successfully

recruited and negotiated thousands of dollars in broadcast rights yearly (Oriard, 2001; Smith,

2001). While not the direct interest of the broadcaster, undoubtedly stories and information about

stadiums was communicated including information about scoreboards, lights, and other stadium

additions. To facilitate the broadcasting of games over the radio, space was provided for audio

engineers and booth announcers (“Engineer Explains How,” 1926; Oriard, 2001). From a

stadium development standpoint, radio allowed the broadcaster to provide a verbal/virtual picture

of the stadium, the crowd, and the game (Oriard, 2001; Smith, 2001).

Within all these changes, it should be noted that university leaders could easily pick up

the telephone and call other schools to ask specific questions related to any stadium issue, as by

the beginning of 1940 almost 30 million telephones were in use in the U.S. (Barnouw, 1966;

Smith, 2001). The likelihood of their communication is strong as it appears the social system

continued to advance. For instance, the membership of the NCAA grew significantly from the

approximately 150 members in Stage 2 to well over 300 members by the end of Stage 3

(Crowley, 2006). Next, many universities continued to join conferences or establish new ones

with like-minded and resourced peers. For instance, the Southeastern Conference (SEC) began

football play in 1934. Charter members of the SEC, for example, were dissatisfied with the

growth of the Southern Conference to a league over 20 schools. To prepare more attractive

schedules with high-quality opponents, SEC schools created “exclusivity by emphasizing that the

new conference hoped to develop public appreciation for the members… as both an educational

and commercial enterprise” (Seifried & Kellison, 2019, p. 105).

Finally, the present study would like to suggest the source of funding served as another

distinct aspect of the Stage 3 venue as many projects received some level of government support.

In Stage 2, local business leaders and alumni were substantial opinion leaders in the construction

of new stadia as they were often the source for funding (Seifried, Evans, & Mosso, 2018).

However, with the advent of the Great Depression in October 1929 businesses failed,

unemployment rose, and/or wages decreased to limit spending on discretionary goods, of which

sport is classified (Lucas & Smith, 1978). The national average income was cut in half from

1929 to 1932 resulting in attendance dropping by over 30% (Lucas & Smith, 1978; Watterson,

2002). To combat unemployment and lost wages, the federal government implemented programs

like the Works Progress Administration (WPA) and the Public Works Administration (PWA).

These programs are notable because the government provided millions of dollars to cities and

institutions of higher education for large-scale public projects that offered people employment

for an extended period of time based on need (Cozens & Stumpf, 1953; Lucas & Smith, 1978).

In the case of the PWA, approximately $40 million was spent on the improvement of athletic

facilities (Lucas & Smith, 1978). Furthermore, between 1935 and 1942, roughly $1 billion was

awarded by the WPA to build sport and recreation facilities (Cozens & Stumpf, 1953).

The current research found the Federal Government funded over 30 projects primarily

within two geographic clusters (i.e., South and West) suggesting they became an important

opinion leader by refusing and awarding projects to universities. Both clusters involved several

renovations to existing permanent structures, along with some new construction. Again, the

neighborhood effect seems strong, as schools in close proximity to each other adopted the

aforementioned innovations within a short period. For both regions, these renovations added

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several thousand seats to the existing structures but for the South these renovations were

potentially more meaningful. Bringing the size of stadiums in the South to be more in line with

stadiums in the Northeast and Midwest helped to challenge their perspectives about their region

(Doyle, 1994). For instance, Doyle (1994) proclaimed “staging mass market sporting events in

modern stadiums was a highly visible way to showcase the progressive urban society of the 20

century South” (p. 243-244). Downs, Tutka, Seifried, and Dean (2019) also suggested that such

renovations and new constructions in the South also helped them establish traditions and bonds

with their region that simultaneously communicated information about the “significance of their

institution, modernity, and ways of life to community folk, alumni, and regional or intersectional

opponents pilgrimaging or visiting the facility” (p. 207).

Stage 4: 1947-1984

Following the building activity of the 1930s, there was little change during World War II

as building materials were redirected to service the war effort (Seifried, 2016). However, after

World War II, massive stadium expansions were common for a variety of reasons. First, the

Servicemen Readjustment Act of 1944 (i.e., GI Bill) provided thousands of returning soldiers

from World War II the opportunity to attend college, thus flooding university campuses with

new enrollments. The additional enrollments prompted more construction through rationalization

that more students would want to attend games and that more students meant more alumni

produced. A second reason for new building activity post-World War II involved improvements

to the transportation infrastructure (e.g., roads) throughout the U.S. With easier access to

campuses, it was assumed more people could want to attend contests. Of note, football was

promoted heavily during World War II as a sport with resounding synergy with military

operations. Therefore, the mass mobilization and training of soldiers often included exposure and

opportunities to participate in and consume information about football, which increased interest

in the game (Seifried, et al., 2017).

With respect to facility construction, the present study found a total of 461 projects (i.e.,

59 new construction and 402 renovations) occurring during Stage 4. Further, it was discovered

that the breakdown primarily involved rehabilitations but interestingly, a significant number of

preservation projects began to appear in the latter part of Stage 4. As stadiums aged, universities

were forced to choose between spending money on preserving and rehabbing the existing

structures or building new venues. Many opinion leaders likely chose renovation based on the

heritage built into the facility. Further, alumni donations, state tax dollars, or revenue bonds

based on promised receipts from a growing number of sources (e.g., concessions, parking,

stadium dormitories, sponsorships, radio and television income) served to fund constructions.

The key features of rehabilitated stadia during this era obviously include the expansion of

seating and corresponding additions with restrooms, concession stands, and parking spaces.

Further, scoreboards continued to advance into larger more expensive and complex structural

additions to stadia with their ability offer a variety of electronic-based information, spectator

messaging, and sponsorship signage opportunities. However, from a technological perspective,

the rehabilitation of press boxes and the field of play stand out as the most notable innovations.

As Stage 4 progressed, newspapers required more accommodations for their equipment.

Further, the development of university sport radio networks compelled the creation of more

broadcast space because they helped to produce revenues and publicity (Seifried, Faulkner,

Baker, & Piker, 2016). Next, through such expansion, president’s boxes were created. As large

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enclosed private spaces with access to restroom and catering services, president’s boxes were

precursors to luxury suites to watch games, facilitate alumni relationships, and engage in

interpersonal communication with visiting opinion leaders from other schools.

Finally, in the press box, it appears television started to play a role in stadium

construction. In 1939, roughly 1,000 spectators watched the first football broadcast on television

(Patton 1984; Whittingham, 1984). Notably, World War II interrupted significant development in

the technology but within five years after World War II ended, nearly 4 million American

households owned televisions (Cokeley, n.d.). Notre Dame was one early adopter of television.

For instance, during the 1948 season, Notre Dame allowed multiple companies to broadcast their

games and earned $1,800 for each home game along with another $6,600 for the Navy football

contest held in Baltimore (Smith, 2001). Recognizing the potential of television, Notre Dame

agreed to a contract with Du Mont Television, which provided the school a minimum of $36,000

and an additional $2,150 for every extra station Du Mont could secure for the home schedule

(“Du Mont Television,” 1949). In places where television broadcasts took place, attendance

notably declined from 1947 to 1950 (“Attendance Figures in,”1951). Many universities

attributed the attendance decline to increased television coverage (Dunnavant, 2004). This

prompted discussion amongst opinion leaders in various conferences and across the NCAA on

who should control the sale of television broadcast rights and what television facilities should

look like in stadia (Smith, 2001).

In an example of hierarchical diffusion, universities were eventually awarded broadcasts

as part of future NCAA television packages (Dunnavant, 2004; Smith, 2001). The 1952

television contract was worth $1.14 million to the NCAA member schools and guaranteed

approximately one broadcast each week (Dunnavant, 2004). Universities with historically strong

football programs were encouraged to develop spaces for television in order to get part of the

money earned through the television deal. However, small less-prestigious football playing

schools and conferences either did not develop space for television or created smaller space for

broadcasters and their equipment to enjoy. Beyond the production of a new revenue source, the

present research suggests television also influenced the speed of diffusion for other innovations.

In essence, for the first time, interested spectators and opinion leaders from around the country

could directly view and learn about stadium improvements at other universities via television.

Of note, we believe television provided opinion leaders the opportunity to see the

development of scoreboards, president boxes, and tailgating scenes. However, we discovered the

diffusion of artificial turf was greatly impacted by television. Artificial turf was incorporated into

the Houston Astrodome in 1966. Broadcasts of the Major League Baseball (MLB) games during

1966 and 1967 exposed hundreds of millions of spectators to the new surface. Descriptions of

that surfaced suggest it lowered maintenance costs, reduced injury rates, and produced more

consistent television images (Lashbrook, 1971). This was attractive to many institutions,

particularly as costs for maintaining college sports continued to rise during Stage 4 (Lashbrook,

1971). Overall, the present study found several schools (n=79) across all regions adopted

artificial turf with little to no neighborhood effect. However, high prestigious football-playing

gatekeepers were quicker to adopt the innovation than lower prestigious football-playing peers.

Stage 5: 1985-2019

Finally, similar to Stage 4, fewer new venues (n=22) and more renovations (n=740)

occurred during Stage 5. Some new stadiums were developed by universities (e.g., Baylor,

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Houston, Minnesota, Tulane) with significant football heritages while other new constructions

were built for institutions with more recently established football programs (e.g., Florida

Atlantic, Central Florida, Florida International, Georgia State, Charlotte, and Old Dominion).

Collectively, these construction activities focused on attempting to produce revenue,

brand/rebrand their school, cultivate a unique campus spirit, attract enrollments, and maintain or

create alumni, sponsor, and media partnerships (Tutka, 2016).

Like previous stages, both new construction and renovations focused on improving stadia

amenities such as number and quality of restrooms and concession stands. Furthermore, the

various types of seating options were a significant change. For instance, Stage 5 facilities offer

luxury suites, club seats, covered bleacher/grandstand sections, standalone student sections, and

disabled seating following passage of the Americans with Disabilities Act (1990), which

required 1% of all new facility seating to be reserved for people with disabilities (Tutka, 2016).

To support engagement with spectators throughout the facility high-definition videoboards

replaced scoreboards and LED ribbon board surrounded the interior of many Stage 5 stadia, with

high-prestigious gatekeeper institutions embracing the new additions before lower prestigious

peers. In union with large advertisements, which also help to enclose facilities, the Stage 5

videoboards surfaced to generate a significant amount of revenue. Finally, we characterize Stage

5 venues by their focus on upgrading media capabilities and core participant experiences (e.g.,

locker rooms, training spaces, academic services, office space, and playing field).

Although Stage 5 college stadia were commercial facilities, similar to the “fully loaded”

stadiums offered by professional sport leagues, schools typically achieved this stage through the

choice to renovate over building new. Again, as in the previous stage, this is likely due to the

notion that the accumulation of heritage with annual pilgrimages to schools positioned stadia as

social anchors. Not willing to lose the benefits associated with a particular location and facility,

rehabilitation projects remained prominent; however, preservation efforts also noticeably

increased over Stage 4. For instance, this work found at least 50 preservation projects occurred in

Stage 5. Reconstruction also occurred more in Stage 5 with major football-playing universities

out West (e.g., Washington, California, Stanford) representing a substantial number.

Renovations in Stage 5 were very much tied to the relative social system the university

was a part of, based on conference alignment. Schools that were part of the current Power 5 (i.e.,

ACC, Big 10, Big 12, Pac-12, and SEC) tended to develop renovation projects similar to other

member institutions of those conferences. Lesser prestigious football playing conferences (i.e.,

Group of 5- AAC, Conference-USA, MWC, MAC, and Sun Belt) followed behind and were

often similar to each other. Overall, we found the stadium ‘arms race’ is real but different among

the two groups (i.e., renovations in MAC were likely to be similar to those occurring in the

MWC, while renovations occurring in the Big Ten were likely to be similar to those occurring in

the SEC). The reasons for this were significantly related to the relative financial positions of the

institutions. In particular, Power 5 institutions could gain significantly more revenue from their

television contracts and luxury suites/club seats than non-Power 5 schools due to higher demand

and larger alumni bases and fan nations (Seifried et al., 2018; Seifried & Kellison, 2019).

With regard to television, the NCAA v. Board of Regents (1984) marked the end of Stage

4 and beginning of Stage 5. The aforementioned series of NCAA television plans with various

networks violated the Sherman and Clayton Antitrust Acts, which prohibited groups like the

NCAA from restraining trade and open competition by its members. With the advent of cable

and superstations (e.g., ESPN, TBS), universities and/or their conferences were primed to create

their own exclusive agreement to share revenues for their collective benefit (Tutka, 2016). This

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meant that conferences became the most important social system prompting subsequent changes

to facilities. Interpersonal communication between schools and the conference headquarters

became integral to the success or failure of the conference, invitations to join leagues as they

expanded, and in establishing the criteria that made for a legitimate stadium (Seifried & Bolton,

2017). In the case of television, subsequent NCAA contracts increased as television ownership

continued to soar from the 1950s into the 1970s expanding from approximately 10 million in

1951 to nearly 75 million by 1980 (Cokeley, n.d.). Thus, by the 1980s, television was generating

over $250 million over the four-year period from 1982 to 1985 (Dunnavant, 2004). Yet,

conferences and individual schools felt they could do better on their own from a revenue

generating perspective rather than relying on the NCAA to negotiate agreements. This

opportunity and belief prompted significant renovations involving the updating and expanding of

space for television broadcasts in press boxes and throughout the facility with the installation of

multiple camera locations. Today, several conferences have their own television network and

contracts with major networks such as Fox, ESPN/ABC, and CBS that produce billions annually

for higher education (Tutka, 2016).

Following the impact of television, most universities also sought to incorporate luxury

suites and club seats primarily through funding supported by their athletic association or school

foundation (Tutka, 2016). Luxury suite and club seats were introduced with professional sport

facilities in the 1960s and 1970s respectively; however, it was not until the late 1980s that those

seating options became popular in colleges (Tutka, 2016). Luxury suite and club seating sales

became significant because they provided “universities with an exclusive, high-dollar revenue

stream that that flowed entirely to themselves; it was not diluted through NCAA control,

conference revenue-sharing mechanisms, or the peculiarities of individual game contracts”

(Seifried, et al., 2018, p. 65). Within, several other additional benefits emerged. For instance,

luxury seating helped universities establish and maintain relationships with potential and current

alumni and/or regional and national businesses, who could not only contribute to athletic coffers

but general university giving campaigns (Chen & Zhang, 2011; Park, Kim, Sagas, & Eddosary,

2016). In return, suite owners found advantages through opportunities to publicize their leases as

charitable contributions but also tangible benefits like signage, stadium/field naming rights, and

privileged access to the university and team (Park et al., 2016). Overall, luxury suite owners

should be viewed as an emerging opinion leader for the diffusion of luxury amenities.

Finally, by the 2000s, virtually every FBS game played each week was televised or live

streamed on the Internet, thus providing opportunities for other non-regional schools to learn

about innovations embraced within stadia. Within this point, the Internet and emergence of email

should not be discounted as both interpersonal and mass communication tools (Partridge, 2008).

The Internet and mobile mass media (e.g., phones and laptops) in general appears to have

radically improved the spread of innovations by reducing the impact of physical geography. For

instance, universities could provide detailed renderings and even computer animated vides of

new or renovated facilities to specific individuals or the public through television, the Internet

and email to facilitate knowledge transfer. Furthermore, associated engineering and architectural

firms (i.e., Brassfield & Gorrie, HKS, HOK, Populous, etc.) also produced websites and

brochures about the coming renovations to provide information and promote competencies.

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Conclusion

The present study provided information on several different innovations that impacted the

physical development of stadia. Within, various environmental influences were acknowledged as

prompting the selection and incorporation of specific innovations. Next, the current research

discovered what communication channels (e.g., radio, television, newspapers, Internet)

facilitated stadium construction and how the timing of their introduction was connected to the

diffusion of innovations. Regarding this point, a critical finding of the present work is that visual

and instantaneous forms of mass communication are associated with increases in the rate of

innovation diffusion (e.g., artificial turf, luxury suites/club seating, video boards) and more

impactful than physical geography over time but only with similarly resourced schools. Some

opinion leaders and gate keepers/conferences were also recognized as more significant in some

eras versus others from a regional perspective, thus supporting the neighborhood effect.

For the future, the patterns shown in this study suggest multiple considerations. First,

maintaining a high-quality and number of restrooms, concession stands, and parking spaces will

be critical. Second, the offering and successful sale of luxury seating will be critical to financial

success. Third, communication technology will continue to be significant. As stadia developed

into broadcast studios for remote attendees through radio, television, and the Internet, it appears

they will also need upgrades related to improving connections and capabilities for mobile

communication devices. In this point, stadia will need to improve wireless capacities to satiate

potential attendee preferences to simultaneously consume games while communicating with

others and/or downloading information or videos among others activities they engage. Overall, it

is advisable for practitioners of athletic departments to be responsive and willing to adapt to

various environmental cues or conditions.

Next, it appears, based on the multiplication of applications (i.e., apps), conference and

television networks, and the subsequent competition for viewers within, both live and remote

spectators will desire to be more in-charge of their own consumption experience. Thus,

practitioners should provide both live and remote spectators the opportunity to control camera

angles, statistical information, and interaction with others and possibly the event or core product

seems likely (Seifried, 2011). Examples of this currently include participation in promotional

contests, posting photos, and reporting accidents/safety concerns, among other activities.

However, the future could find apps and engagement interactions as influential on impacting the

core event (e.g., music selected, elevating crowd noise, play call selection, etc.) (Seifried, 2011).

Another recent trend unveiled in the present study suggests, preserving heritage is

important and likely in future renovation considerations. Specifically, we anticipate more athletic

departments will engage in renovations focused on preservation but also might increasingly

incorporate halls of fame and potentially guided tours of facilities for commercial purposes.

Professional sport stadia have already provided a blueprint for practitioners on how this could be

done and highlight this as a lucrative source for revenue, publicity, and relationship-building

(Seifried & Meyer, 2010). Of note some colleges have recently been successful creating such

additions to their facilities (e.g., Arkansas, Seifried et al., 2016; Georgia Tech, Seifried &

Kellison, 2019; Ole Miss, Seifried & Novicevic, 2015). We anticipate and suggest the most well-

resourced of institutions will increasingly incorporate such additions first. However, lower

prestigious football-playing schools should support this activity to generate interest in their

program, facilitate alumni support and recognition, and boost publicity.

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Recent trends in facility construction also imply rehabilitation projects will continue to

focus on attracting student-athletes and coaches and improving accommodations for them. Many

recent renovations involve stadium additions, which include expanded locker rooms and training

rooms, academic service buildings, and coaches’ offices (Seifried et al, 2016; Seifried &

Kellison, 2019; Seifried & Novicevic, 2015). Furthermore, space for hosting recruits, media

personnel, and receptions (e.g., planned meetings, reunions, banquets) will be a priority to help

attract outside business and attention to institutions because those spaces can serve as important

entrepreneurial locales on non-gamedays and places for facilitating and maintaining relationships

with important donors, community leaders, and local citizens (Seifried & Kellison, 2019).

Finally, with new dynamic that the world pandemic produced in 2020, sport facilities are

surely going to be effected. Recent trends demonstrated by institutions in the West (e.g.,

Stanford, Arizona State, and California) and by schools with stadia seating over 100,000 (e.g.,

Penn State and Tennessee) suggest stadiums could begin to shrink, not just for the provision of

better amenities but now to possibly reduce the number of people exposed to each other. Large

social spaces that have been a feature of recent changes to sport stadia and arena may need to

reconsider their physical arrangement to be responsive to this new and emerging environmental

cue. In this, it may be beneficial to offer better virtual social spaces rather than more physical

space. Moreover, it may be necessary to offer more cleaning stations (not just restrooms) around

the facility to help individuals reduce the likelihood of disease transmission. Lastly, television

partners will not want to see empty seats as they do not often compel people to consume sporting

events. Thus, production space in stadia may need to change to help create computer generated

images (CGI) of fans, crowd noise, band music, and other activities that historically have been

important to attracting people to both attend and watch games on television and other Internet

service platforms. Major League Baseball and professional soccer are currently experimenting

with CGI technology to improve the broadcast experience for remote spectators in order to give

the illusion that fans are in the stands (Boren, 2020).

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