Indigenous experiences with racism and its impacts

Denition of terms

Racism is a belief or behaviour based on the notion that ‘race’ is the basis of human characteristics and practices, and that

racial dierences produce inherent superiorities or inferiorities in particular races (Merriam-Webster Dictionary, 2013a).

Racialize refers to the practice of assigning a racial identity to a person or group of people (Merriam-Webster Dictionary,

2013b).

sharing knowledge · making a difference

partager les connaissances · faire une différence

ᖃᐅᔨᒃᑲᐃᖃᑎᒌᓃᖅ · ᐱᕚᓪᓕᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᖅ

The terms ‘Indigenous’ and ‘Indigenous peoples’ are used throughout this fact sheet to refer to First Nations, Inuit and Métis

peoples inclusively; however, the terms ‘Aboriginal’ and ‘Aboriginal peoples’ will be used as substitutes when reected in the

literature under discussion. Whenever possible, culturally specic names are used.

SOCIAL DETERMINANTS OF HEALTH

INDIGENOUS EXPERIENCES WITH RACISM

AND ITS IMPACTS

Prepared by Samantha Loppie,

Charlotte Reading & Sarah de Leeuw

This fact sheet is the second in a

series focused on anti-Indigenous

racism in Canada. The rst fact

sheet examined the concept of

race and racism, exploring the

various forms it takes. In this fact

sheet, the focus is on the lived

and structural forms of racism.

We begin by providing a brief

overview of what racism is, how

it intersects with other forms

of discrimination, and how it is

manifested. The fact sheet then

moves to a discussion of how

the dominant racialized group

(i.e., European settlers) expresses

racism in historic and current

contexts and how Indigenous

people in Canada experience

is experienced by Indigenous

peoples and how it impacts their

well-being.

racism in interpersonal, structural

and sometimes violent ways.

We examine racism within

government policies, healthcare,

and judicial systems, and explore

the unique ways that racism

Introduction

Racism is a social injustice based

on falsely constructed, but deeply

embedded, assumptions about

people and their relative social

value; it is often used to justify

disparities in the distribution of

resources (MacKinnon, 2004).

Racism manifests in multiple

ways that allow some groups

of people to see themselves

as superior to others and to

claim and maintain multiple

forms of political, sociocultural,

and economic power. Racism

also intersects with, as well as

reinforces, other ways in which

human beings discriminate

against each other, including

socially constructed categories

of gender, disability, ability,

sexual orientation, class, and age

(Heldke & O’Connor, 2004).

Racism must be understood

as something that is lived; it

is experienced by individuals,

families, communities, and

nations through interactions and

structures of the everyday world.

The truth is that the ideologies,

social prejudices and words

upon which race and racism are

built do a great deal of damage.

In fact, racism infects the lives

of individuals and institutions

- sometimes quietly, sometimes

covertly, sometimes immediately,

and sometimes over long periods

of time, but always unjustly.

Racism is an experience acutely

felt by many Indigenous people in

Canada. For example, according

to a 2005 report of the First

Nations Regional Longitudinal Health

Survey (RHS), 38% of participating

First Nations adults experienced

at least one instance of racism

in the past 12 months; 63% of

them felt that it had at least some

effect on their self-esteem (First

Nations Centre, 2005).

Expressions of

racism

The labeling of individuals and

groups as ‘different’ is part of

the process of creating social

hierarchies, which represents

the foundation of oppression (de

Leeuw, Kobayashi, & Cameron,

2011). Throughout most human

societies, particular groups have

consistently been ‘othered’,

marginalized and discriminated

against (de Leeuw, Kobayashi, &

Cameron, 2011). The renowned

theorist Foucault proposed that

discrimination is not always

expressed in violent ways (e.g.,

slavery, genocide) but can take

less aggressive forms (e.g.,

colonialism) that present power

inequalities as neutral and natural

processes (de Leeuw, Kobayashi,

& Cameron, 2011). Yet all forms

of oppression, including racism,

contribute negatively to the

well-being of certain racialized

groups (Clark, Anderson, Clark,

& Williams, 1999). Within the

racialized hierarchy of Canadian

society, Indigenous peoples

continue to be ‘othered’ by

settler

groups in an attempt

to rationalize colonial actions

that disadvantage, oppress, and

ultimately harm them (de Leeuw,

Kobayashi, & Cameron, 2011).

Within Canada, anti-Indigenous

racism is expressed in numerous

ways: through stereotyping,

stigmatization and violence, as

well as through many of the

structures of Canadian society.

Racialized stereotypes

and stigma

There are a number of negative

stereotypes associated with

Indigenous people, including

assumptions about the

pervasiveness and cause of

alcohol and drug addiction,

unemployment, and violence

(Backhouse, 1999; de Leeuw,

Kobayashi, & Cameron, 2011).

One persistent and particularly

damaging depiction is that

Indigenous peoples are willing

‘wards of the state,’ dependent

on others and ultimately better

off when the federal government

oversees their affairs (Erickson,

2005). This not only degrades

the autonomy of Indigenous

peoples and their legitimate right

to be self-determining, but it

has damaged the self-concept of

countless generations of people

who unfortunately, at times,

internalize such demeaning

stereotypes (Harding, 2006).

A settler is dened as “a person who settles in an area” [such as the European settlers of North America] (Oxford Dictionaries,

n.d).

Idle No More

Widespread backlash against the Idle No More movement demonstrates the unfortunate but undeniable anti-Indigenous

racism that persists within Canada (Perkel, 2013, Van Bemmel, 2013). The Idle No More (INM) movement began when four

Indigenous women in Saskatoon, Saskatchewan responded to the Canadian Parliament adopting the Omnibus Bill C-45,

which included a number of unfair amendments to Aboriginal land rights (Gordon, 2013). The bill would oer deregulation

for industrial development and allow companies to buy and sell reserve land without consideration or compensation to the

communities on those lands (Paradis, 2013). This bill disregarded Aboriginal land rights and ignored the environmental and

health impacts industrial development would cause (Paradis, 2013). Communities were ignited by the government’s lack of

concern for Aboriginal treaties and the INM movement gained momentum through social medianetworks.

The overarching goal of the movement was to advance Indigenous sovereignty, create allies and forge new political

relationships, as well as put pressure on the government to protect the environment and Aboriginal rights (Gordon, 2013).

Indigenous leaders, youth and allies rallied together in a united front that did not include a single gurehead but rather a

collective, guided by Elders, to support the movement (Anderson, 2013). The INM movement was about more than Bill C-45;

it was about giving Indigenous people a voice and solidarity in order to ght other injustices in the future (Caven, 2013). In

December 2012, despite great support and publicity of the INM movement, the Omnibus Bill C-45 was passed; thus

demonstrating the government’s disregard for this national protest (Anderson, 2013).

However, the INM movement also ignited substantial criticism from some members of the non-Indigenous Canadian public.

The founders and supporters of INM wanted to do more than oppose legislation but also to inform the public about the

historical and current racism and discrimination faced by Indigenous people in Canada (Caven, 2013). Unfortunately, those

very assumptions and prejudices against Indigenous peoples became points of contention as INM activists were exposed to

an onslaught of racist comments and incidents (Perkel, 2013). At times, the backlash became so heated that Indigenous

leaders made public expressions of concern for the safety of those involved in the movement (Perkel, 2013). Beyond the

overt racism from non- Indigenous sources, one of the founders, Sylvia McAdams, expressed her disappointment that many

supporters only oered lip service to INM. She also expressed her desire to see more fervent support for the movement and

a better understanding of the history of discrimination faced by Indigenous peoples (Caven, 2013).

Indigenous experiences with racism and its impacts 3

The continued existence

of ‘Indian reserves’ serves

as one of the most visible

reminders of the race-

based segregation of First

Nations people in Canada

(Musto, 1990).

The media plays a considerable

role in shaping public perceptions

of Indigenous peoples in Canada

(Furniss, 2001). Although

contemporary representations

are more accurate and inclusive

of Indigenous perspectives

than at any time in history,

they are still often corrupted by

misinterpretations, tokenism,

and lack of historical or cultural

context (Harding, 2006). Media

decision-makers select what to

report and, in so doing, can

enhance or damage public

opinion of Indigenous peoples

(Furniss, 2001). News reports

often focus on the social and

economic challenges facing

Indigenous communities while

ignoring stories of discrimination

and/or exploitation by powerful

groups or authorities (Harding,

2006). In recent years, Indigenous

leaders have attempted to use the

media to rally support for issues

facing their communities, calling

on the ‘politics of embarrassment’

to expose the government’s poor

treatment of Indigenous peoples

and accurately inform the public

(Furniss, 2001). Sadly, it has

proven very difcult to challenge

entrenched racial stereotypes and

gain support for the equitable

treatment of Indigenous peoples.

Many Canadians’ beliefs,

attitudes, and behaviours toward

Indigenous people remain

heavily inuenced by colonial

stereotypes, entrenched in a

mentality of ‘us versus them’

(Bourassa, McKay-McNabb,

& Hampton, 2004). The

positioning of Indigenous people

as an idealized or demonized

‘other’ exaggerates cultural

differences and reinforces

racialized generalizations (de

Leeuw, Kobayashi, & Cameron,

2011). Inaccurate or inadequate

education about Canada’s colonial

history and its role in creating

the disadvantages currently

facing Indigenous communities

essentially transfers responsibility

for economic and social problems

to Indigenous peoples’ presumed

failure to evolve, rather than to

the socially and economically

damaging effects of colonialism

and racism (Harding, 2006).

Violent racism

Violent racism is dened as acts

of violence perpetrated against

a person or group based on the

racialized group to which they

are assigned (Bowling, 1999).

Historically, there are many

instances where Indigenous

people suffered violence at the

hands of settlers. One poignant

example of widespread violence

can be found in the experience

of Mi’kmaq people in Nova

Scotia. During the mid 1700s,

the founder of Halifax, Edward

Cornwallis, placed a bounty

5Indigenous experiences with racism and its impacts

of ten guineas for the scalp of

every Mi’kmaq man, woman

or child, thus causing the

death of thousands (O’Connor,

2011). Although Cornwallis’

government perpetrated heinous

acts of racialized violence against

the Mi’kmaq people, he is

immortalized in the province’s

history, having streets, military

bases and schools named after

him as well as a memorial statue

in a downtown Halifax park. For

decades, Mi’kmaq people in the

province beseeched the city to

remove Cornwallis’ name from

schools in particular, but until

recently were met with resistance

from the government and the

public (Guild, 2011).

There are also numerous

examples of the violent racism

that Indigenous peoples

experience in contemporary

society. As a group, Indigenous

men are two-to-three times

more likely than non-Indigenous

men to experience violence

by authorities or individuals

(Brownridge, 2010). However,

it is Indigenous women who

bear the brunt of racialized

violence in Canada. In addition

to experiencing three-to-four

times more interpersonal

violence than non-Indigenous

women (Brownridge, 2008),

Indigenous women are at higher

risk for harassment by authorities

(McGlade, 2010; Razack, 2000).

Indigenous women also face a

phenomenon best described as

‘racialized misogyny’ (the hatred

of racialized women), which

fosters and legitimizes physical

and social violence perpetrated

against them by virtue of their

exponentially diminished social

status (i.e. being a women and

being Indigenous). Examples

of this include the high rates of

violence reported by Indigenous

women (Brennan, 2011), as well as

the notorious ‘Highway of Tears’

(Lee, 2009), the disappearance

of at least 60 women (most of

whom were Indigenous) from

Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside

between the 1980s and 2002

(Oppal, 2012), and the Robert

Pickton murders, which included

a disproportionately high number

of Indigenous women (Kubik,

Bourassa, and Hampton, 2009;

Native Women’s Association of

Canada, 2007). This intersecting

and compounding violence

emerged, in part, from the

colonial destruction of traditional

Indigenous gender roles,

which once afforded women

considerable social, economic and

political power as well as sexual

agency. This base of strength and

respect was seriously undermined

by a colonial reconstruction of

Indigenous women within racially

misogynistic ideologies (Gunn

Allen, 1986; Loppie Reading &

Barlow, 2009).

Structural racism

Structural racism refers to

economic, social and political

institutions and processes of a

society that create and reinforce

racial discrimination (Jackson,

McGibbon & Waldron, 2013;

Lawrence, Sutton, Kubisch, Susi,

& Fulbright-Anderson, 2010). The

establishment of ‘Indian reserves’

and inadequate investment in

those reserves serve as examples

of structural racism whereby

socio-economic inequities and

conditions of disadvantage are

created and perpetuated.

The continued existence of

‘Indian reserves’ serves as one

of the most visible reminders

of the race-based segregation of

First Nations people in Canada

(Musto, 1990). Indeed, this overt

form of racialized discrimination

has been supported by successive

governments over several

generations. Even in the current

context, investment in the social

and economic development of

reserve communities is paltry

compared to other Canadian

communities and, in some cases,

on-reserve conditions mirror

those in developing countries

(Musto, 1990). In fact, most

remote First Nation and Inuit

communities face innumerable

challenges in accessing, extracting

or securing nancial, natural and

human resources respectively,

often resulting in absolute as well

as relative poverty (Musto, 1990).

Diminished federal investment in

Indigenous housing, for example,

is troubling, resulting in poor

quality housing, poor ventilation

and mold, as well as overcrowded

housing conditions (Optis, Shaw,

Stephenson, & Wild, 2012).

Similarly, failure to provide

adequate funding for education

programs has signicantly

inuenced educational

opportunities for First Nations

students (First Nations Education

Council, 2009). Moreover,

the current federal funding

formula for on-reserve water

and wastewater systems is often

inadequate, leaving many First

Nations communities nancially

incapable of operating and

maintaining adequate systems

(Simeon, 2010).

Federal policies and

Indigenous peoples

inCanada

Structural racism is often rooted

in political actions or policies

that create and/or reinforce

discrimination against a racialized

group (Jordan & Weedon, 1995;

Sears, Sidanius, & Bobo, 2000).

One of the principal means by

which this type of racism is

expressed against First Nations

people in Canada is through

the Indian Act. Enacted in 1876

by the Canadian government

(Moss, 1990), the Indian Act was

purported to protect the rights

of First Nations peoples by

recognizing the legal and ethical

responsibilities of the Crown.

In reality, however, it created

an enduring federal structure

that could (and does) exert

substantial control over First

Nations’ identity, lands, resources,

languages, and cultural practices

(Long, Bear, & Boldt, 1982). In

addition to the Indian Act, the

Department of Indian Affairs

(DIA) was created to oversee

policies concerning the economic,

social, and cultural lives of First

Nations peoples (Long, Bear, &

Boldt, 1982). Establishment of the

DIA and the Indian Act ushered

in an era of overt racism against

First Nations peoples, exemplied

by the following quote by the

Deputy Superintendent General

of Indian Affairs, Duncan

Campbell Scott in 1920:

I want to get rid of the Indian

problem… Our objective is to

continue until there is not a single

Indian in Canada that has not been

absorbed into the body politic and

there is no Indian question, and no

Indian department. (Miller, 2004,

p. 35)

The policies of the Indian Act are

paternalistic and permit First

Nations people little or no control

over their lives and communities

(Moss, 1990). Although there

have been amendments to the

Act, the majority represent

supercial alterations that do

little to address the fundamental

inequities it created and maintains

(Robson, 1991). This legally

sanctioned form of racism

infringes on several dimensions

of First Nation peoples’ political,

economic and cultural life,

including the power to dene

who is and is not an ‘Indian’

and the rights to which they are

entitled (Lavoie & Forget, 2011).

The term ‘Indian’ was most commonly used the Government of Canada up to the 1970s to represent First Nations people

(Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada, 2012).

7Indigenous experiences with racism and its impacts

One of the most notorious forms of racism at the

institutional level was the residential school system,

which represented the attempted assimilation of

Indigenous children.

Early versions of the Indian Act

outlined an enfranchisement

policy that required individuals

to give up their Indian status in

order to vote, to join the military,

to become a lawyer, clergy, or

doctor, or to earn a university

degree (Moss, 1990). This policy

was implemented in an effort to

assimilate First Nations people

into Euro-Canadian culture

and thus remove the Crown’s

obligation to provide services and

resources outlined in the Indian

Act (Moss, 1990). Other aspects

of the Indian Act sought to control

the identity of First Nations

people, and First Nations women

specically, through policies

regarding marital status and

family inheritance. Before 1985,

Section 12(1)(B) of the Act stated

that First Nations women would

lose their legal Indian status if

they married a non-Indian man.

Section 6 of the Act also removed

the legal status of women’s

children, but not of Indian men

who married non-Indian women;

in fact, non-Indian women who

married Indian men would gain

status for themselves and their

children (Cannon, 2006). This

form of assimilation was based on

a patriarchal structure of kinship

where wealth was passed from

fathers to sons and a woman’s

identity was determined by that

of her husband’s (Cannon, 2006).

Contemporary revisions of the

Indian Act have aimed to address

some of its most discriminatory

policies. For instance, in 1985

the passing of Bill C-31 amended

the Act so that First Nations

women could regain Indian

status lost through marriage to a

non-First Nations man (Robson,

1991). Another 1985 amendment

eliminated enfranchisement,

which would strip First Nations

people of their status. While

these changes are moving in

the right direction, the Indian

Act itself remains a form of

structural racism (Long, Bear, &

Boldt, 1982). Unfortunately, the

Indian Act cannot be discarded

altogether because there are

some policies in it that actually

protect the rights of First Nations

peoples (de Leeuw, Kobayashi, &

Cameron, 2011).

Racism and institutions:

Residentialschools

Structural racism also occurs

within institutions that

segregate or discriminate against

individuals or groups based on

racialization (Williams, 1985;

Gee, 2002). One of the most

notorious forms of racism at

the institutional level was the

residential school system, which

represented the attempted

assimilation of Indigenous

children. Initially, treaties

between First Nations leaders

and the Canadian government

outlined policies that would

provide culturally rich, on-reserve

education for First Nations

children (MacDonald & Hudson,

2012). However, rather than

support educational institutions

that respectfully incorporated

western and traditional

Indigenous knowledge, the

government established a system

of boarding (residential) schools

that aimed to “kill the Indian in

the child” (cited in Miller, 2004,

p. 35). In 1880, the rst residential

school was established in Canada,

located off-reserve, funded by

the federal government, and run

predominantly by Catholic and

9Indigenous experiences with racism and its impacts

Anglican churches (MacDonald

& Hudson, 2012). Until 1950,

First Nations (and some Inuit

and Métis) children between the

ages of ve and sixteen were

forced to attend these schools -

many miles and many months

or years away from their families

and cultural traditions (Miller,

2004; Milloy, 1996). Parents did

not approve of the aggressive

assimilation practices undertaken

by school administrators, but

had no recourse or authority to

remove their children from these

institutions.

The ideologies and ensuing

activities of these schools were

fundamentally racist, stripping

Indigenous children of their

traditional livelihood skills and

training them only for menial

jobs, thus restricting their future

socio-economic opportunities

(Deiter, 1999; Friesen & Friesen,

2002). Students were not

permitted to speak their rst

languages or use their given

names (Nagy & Sehdev, 2012),

and many experienced neglect;

physical, emotional and sexual

abuse; poor diets; and exposure

to fatal diseases like tuberculosis

(MacDonald & Hudson, 2012).

Even when children were

permitted to leave residential

school, there were no supports

for re-entering their communities

so the transition was not always

smooth and family relationships

could often not be reestablished.

The resulting social isolation,

cultural trauma and even internal

racism experienced during and

after leaving school caused some

survivors to turn to negative

coping strategies (Nagy &

Sehdev, 2012). Ultimately, for

many, this form of structural

racism resulted in alcohol and

substance abuse, violence,

parenting problems, depression

and suicide (Nagy & Sehdev,

2012). As well, research suggests

that residential schools set in

motion a cycle of trauma that has

been passed through generations,

detrimental to the well-being of

Indigenous people as a whole

(Fournier & Crey, 1997; Furniss,

1992; Gagné, 1998; Haig-Brown,

1988; Kirmayer, Simpson, &

Cargo, 2003; Milloy, 1999). Sadly,

it often falls on children to

absorb the feelings of loss and

frustration felt by their parents

and grandparents. Even though

these children did not experience

the trauma of residential schools

rst hand, they are experiencing it

indirectly through the effects on

their families and communities

( Volkan, 1997).

Some researchers have suggested

that oppressive government

policies such as the establishment

of residential schools represent

attempted cultural genocide

against Indigenous peoples.

Cultural genocide, or ethnocide,

aims to extinguish the

knowledge, languages, and

traditions of a particular group of

people (MacDonald & Hudson,

2012). In 1948, the International

Convention on the Prevention

and Punishment of the Crime of

Genocide set the United Nations

denition of genocide as killing

members of a marginalized

group, causing serious bodily or

mental harm to members of that

group, deliberately inicting on a

group conditions to bring about

its physical destruction in whole

or in part, imposing measures

intended to prevent births

within the group, and forcibly

transferring children of the

group to another group (United

Nations, 1948). Under this

denition, a case of attempted

cultural genocide could certainly

be made against the residential

school system on the basis of its

practice of forced assimilation,

attempted destruction of

traditional cultures, and denial of

Indigenous identities (MacDonald

& Hudson, 2012). Some critics

nd the term genocide too

controversial; however, it is

not being used here to provoke

but rather to center racialized

colonialism within a framework

that shows the extent of damage

it has caused to Indigenous

populations (Woolford, 2009).

In response to this legacy of

trauma, in 2008 Prime Minister

Steven Harper issued a statement

of reconciliation on behalf of

Parliament and all Canadian

citizens to express regret for

the generations of residential

school abuse (CBC News, 2008).

The statement has been widely

criticized for being crafted to

avoid saying that the government

took full responsibility and for

not adequately addressing the

continuing effects on Indigenous

peoples (Dorrell, 2009). The

statement of reconciliation also

did not challenge the colonial

relationship between Indigenous

and non-Indigenous groups

(Nagy & Sehdev, 2012).

Justice and health

caresystems

Structural racism can also

be found within the systems

intended to serve our needs,

where racist policies intersect

with racist stereotypes (Furniss,

2001), often translating into

discrimination against Indigenous

people (Dylan, Regehr, &

Alaggia, 2008). For example,

Indigenous offenders are more

likely to receive sentences of

imprisonment if convicted of

a crime (Dylan, Regehr, &

Alaggia, 2008). Not surprisingly,

Indigenous peoples are presently

the most over-represented group

in the Canadian criminal justice

system (Martel, & Brassard,

2008; Statistics Canada, 2012),

and racism has been exposed as

a factor in the way Indigenous

people are treated within systems

of justice (Dylan, Regehr, &

Alaggia, 2008). As well, racial

bias can motivate authorities

to question the credibility of

Indigenous people who are

victims of crime, often leading

to a lack of adequate support

(McGlade, 2010). This ultimately

contributes to perceptions, on

the part of offenders and victims,

that the system will not treat

them fairly.

Like so many other issues facing

Indigenous people, the legacy of

colonialism and anti-Indigenous

racism is implicated in the

criminalization of Indigenous

peoples (Proulx, 2000). Over

time, authorities such as police,

courts and prisons have engaged

in racial proling of Indigenous

peoples (Furniss, 2001). Some

scholars purport that this

kind of systemic racism and

‘over policing’ in Indigenous

communities has led to a strained

relationship between Indigenous

peoples and the justice system as

a whole (Furniss, 2001). Indeed,

research reveals that all groups

will mistrust authorities if they

feel the institution does not

represent the interests of their

community (Chrismas, 2012).

11Indigenous experiences with racism and its impacts

Research has shown that

Indigenous peoples around the

world also often have negative

experiences with health care

settings. Racism can be expressed

in these settings through longer

wait times, fewer referrals, and

disrespectful treatment for

Indigenous people (Narine,

2013; Vukic, Jesty, Mathews, &

Etowa, 2012). Actions by service

providers that demean, diminish

or disempower the cultural

identity and well-being of an

individual are seen as culturally

risky practices (Brown, 2009).

The consequence of racism

within health care settings is

rst, and foremost, emotional

and social harm to Indigenous

peoples. A more long-term and

insidious outcome, however, is

that Indigenous people lose trust

in a system that claims to care for

them. Experiences of harm and

lack of trust can translate into

diminished utilization of services

critical to Indigenous peoples’

health, including screening for

infectious or chronic disease, as

well as access to essential medical

treatment or pharmaceutical

interventions (Loppie Reading,

& Barlow, 2009). Ultimately, the

trajectory of racism within health

care settings leads to diminished

health outcomes for Indigenous

people as seen in the current

disproportional burden of disease

and diminished life expectancy

(Loppie Reading & Wien, 2009).

Conclusion

Much has been written about the

connection between political,

social and economic disparities

and the burden of ill-health

facing Indigenous people in

Canada (Backhouse, 1999;

Bourassa, McKay-McNabb, &

Hampton, 2004; First Nations

Centre, 2005; Loppie Reading &

Wien, 2009). At the root of these

inequities, racial discrimination

emerges as a major determinant

affecting the overall well-being

of Indigenous individuals

and populations (Currie,

Wild, Schopocher, Laing, &

Veugelers, 2012). Historical and

contemporary trauma resulting

from loss of land, lack of

governance, marginalization,

incarceration, residential schools,

abuse and violence intersect to

dramatically affect the mental

health of Indigenous people

in Canada (Haskell & Randall,

2009).

Racism experienced on an

individual level does harm to

one person, which in turn can

affect one’s family and friends;

but racism experienced on a

structural level goes beyond the

individual. It informs institutions

(such as schools, healthcare,

and justice) that enact and

perpetuate racism against an

entire group of people (Zong,

1994). The cumulative impacts

of structural racism have been

felt throughout generations of

Indigenous people and have

caused collective wounds that are

not easily mended (Gee, & Ford,

2011). If decades of trauma are to

be healed, systems such as justice

and health need to address racial

prejudice at all levels and move

towards embracing the unique

cultural traditions, healing and

needs of Indigenous people.

Clearly racism has inuenced the

political, economic and cultural

circumstances of Indigenous

peoples in Canada. Racist

ideologies have fostered a social

hierarchy in which Indigenous

peoples are denied resources

while dominant groups maintain

authority and power. Personal

and structural racism toward

individuals, communities and

nations is justied by way of

‘othering’ Indigenous peoples

through socially constructed

differences. In Canada, race-

based colonizing powers have

attempted to socially isolate,

culturally assimilate, and

politically decimate Indigenous

peoples as a way of rationalizing

colonialism. Legally sanctioned

discrimination has hindered

opportunities for Indigenous

peoples to be self-determining

and generations of residential

schools promoted racialized

hostility toward Indigenous

peoples and offered a curriculum

of assimilation into the body

politic of Canada. The harm

done to survivors, their children,

families, communities, and future

generations is immeasurable.

Chrismas, R. (2012). The people are the police: Building trust

with Aboriginal communities in contemporary Canadian

society. Canadian Public Administration, 55(3): 451-470.

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(1999). Racism as a stressor for African Americans: A

biopsychosocial model. American Psychologist, 54: 805-816.

Currie, C.L., Wild, T.C., Schopocher, D.P., Laing, L., &

Veugelers, P. (2012). Racial discrimination experienced by

Aboriginal university students in Canada. Canadian Journal of

Psychiatry, 57(10): 617-25.

Deiter, C. (1999). From our mothers’ arms: The intergenerational

impact of residential schools in Saskatchewan. Etobicoke, ON:

United Church Publishing House.

de Leeuw, S., Kobayashi, A., & Cameron, E. (2011). Difference.

In A companion to social geography, V.J. Del Casino, M.E.

Thomas, P. Cloke, & R. Panelli (eds.), pp. 17-37. Oxford, UK:

Wiley-Blackwell.

Dorrell, M. (2009). From reconciliation to reconciling: Reading

what “we now recognize” in the government of Canada’s

2008 residential schools apology. English Studies in Canada,

35(1): 27-45.

Dylan, A., Regehr, C., & Alaggia, R. (2008). And justice for all?

Aboriginal victims of sexual violence. Violence against Women,

14(6): 678-696.

Erickson, L. (2005). Constructed and contested truths:

Aboriginal suicide, law, and colonialism in the Canadian

west(s), 1823-1927. The Canadian Historical Review, 86(4): 595-

618.

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health survey (RHS) 2002/03. Ottawa, ON: Author.

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funding-paper-Feb2009.pdf

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Anderson, J. (2013). Idle no more. Social Policy,

43(1): 58.

Backhouse, C. (1999). Colour-coded: A legal history of racism

in Canada. 1900-1950. Toronto, ON: Osgoode Society of

Canadian Legal History.

Bourassa, C., McKay-McNabb, K., & Hampton, M. (2004).

Racism, sexism and colonialism: The impact on the health of

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23-30.

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Brownridge, D.A. (2008). Understanding the elevated risk of

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movement. Cultural Survival Quarterly, 37(1): 6-7.

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ENGAGE

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Peoples’ of Canada.

made possible through a nancial contribution from the Public Health Agency of Canada (PHAC). The views expressed herein

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