JUNE 2017
Longer-Term Effects of the Better Care
Reconciliation Act of 2017 on Medicaid Spending
In the Congressional Budget Offices assessment,
Medicaid spending under the Better Care Reconcilia-
tion Act of 2017 would be 26 percent lower in 2026
than it would be under the agencys extended baseline,
and the gap would widen to about 35 percent in 2036
(see Figure 1). Under CBO’s extended baseline, overall
Medicaid spending would grow 5.1 percent per year
during the next two decades, in part because prices for
medical services would increase. Under this legislation,
such spending would increase at a rate of 1.9 percent per
year through 2026 and about 3.5 percent per year in the
decade after that.
CBO and the staff of the Joint Committee on Taxation
do not have an insurance coverage baseline beyond the
coming decade and therefore are not able to quantify the
legislations effect on insurance coverage over the longer
term. However, the agencies expect that after 2026,
enrollment in Medicaid would continue to fall relative to
what would happen under the extended baseline.
On the basis of consultation with the budget com-
mittees, CBO’s just-released cost estimate for the bill
measured the costs and savings relative to CBO’s March
2016 baseline projections, with adjustments for legisla-
tion that was enacted after that baseline was produced.
1
For consistency, this longer-term analysis uses CBO’s
extended baseline published in July 2016.
2
CBO ana-
lyzed these longer-term effects at the request of the
Ranking Members of the Senate Budget Committee and
the Senate Finance Committee.
1. Congressional Budget Office, cost estimate for H.R. 1628, the
Better Care Reconciliation Act of 2017, an amendment in the
nature of a substitute [LYN17343] as posted on the website of
the Senate Committee on the Budget on June 26, 2017 (June 26,
2017), www.cbo.gov/publication/52849.
2. Congressional Budget Office, The 2016 Long-Term Budget
Outlook (July 2016), www.cbo.gov/publication/51580.
CBO’s Extended Baseline
The first 10 years of projections in CBO’s extended
baseline match the agencys 10-year baseline projections,
which are based on a detailed analysis of the Medicaid
program. Beyond the coming decade, however, pro-
jecting federal spending on Medicaid becomes increas-
ingly difficult because of the considerable uncertainties
involved. A wide range of changes could occur—in
peoples health, in states’ decisions about Medicaid
eligibility and covered benefits, and in the delivery of
medical care—that are almost impossible to predict but
that could nevertheless have a significant effect on federal
spending on Medicaid. Therefore, for the projections
beyond 2026, CBO has adopted a formulaic approach—
one that combines estimates of the number of enrollees
with fairly mechanical projections of growth in federal
spending on Medicaid per enrollee (adjusted to account
for demographic changes in Medicaid enrollees). That
straightforward approach, which was designed to help
make long-term projections of federal deficits and debt,
can be usefully applied only when analyzing proposed
changes in law that, like this bill, would affect spending
in a similarly straightforward manner.
The agencys estimates of per-enrollee growth in spend-
ing combine projected growth in potential gross domes-
tic product (GDP) per person and projected excess cost
growth for Medicaid, which together average 4.3 percent
in CBO’s extended baseline during the 2027–2036
period. Potential GDP expresses an estimate of the max-
imum sustainable level of growth in the economy. Excess
cost growth is the growth rate of health care spending
per person (after the effects of demographic changes are
removed) relative to the growth rate of potential GDP
per person. (CBO uses potential GDP rather than actual
GDP in its estimate of excess cost growth to limit the
effect of cyclical changes in the economy on its estimate.)
The concept of excess cost growth and its phrasing
are not intended to imply that growth in health care
2 Longer-Term effecTs of The BeTTer care reconciLiaTion acT of 2017 on medicaid spending June 2017
spending per person is necessarily excessive or undesir-
able; the term is used simply to describe the extent to
which the growth in such spending exceeds the growth
in potential output per person.
For Medicaid, the rate of excess cost growth is projected
to be 0.7 percent in 2027 and to rise over the subsequent
decade. In 2036, the rate is projected to be 0.9 percent,
close to its 1985–2014 average of 1.0 percent. That tra-
jectory of excess cost growth reflects competing pressures
that are expected to affect the program. On the one
hand, states are likely to face pressure—stemming from
physicians’ practice patterns, new technology, and other
factors in the broader health care system—to increase
payments to health care providers so that they continue
to treat Medicaid enrollees. On the other hand, as health
care costs rise, states are also expected to face pressure to
slow the growth of spending for the program through
actions—such as delivering services more efficiently,
constraining payment rates for providers and managed
care plans, limiting the optional services that Medicaid
covers, or restricting the eligibility of certain groups—
that would reduce both state and federal expenditures.
Effects of the Legislation
The largest effects on spending under the Better Care
Reconciliation Act of 2017 would be for Medicaid. Most
of those effects would stem from three major provisions:
O Upon enactment, the legislation would eliminate
penalties associated with the requirements that most
people obtain health insurance coverage and that
large employers offer their employees coverage that
meets specified standards.
O Starting in 2020, the growth in per-enrollee payments
for nondisabled children and nondisabled adults
enrolled in Medicaid would be capped at no more
than the medical care component of the consumer
price index (CPI-M) and for most enrollees who are
disabled adults or age 65 or older at no more than the
CPI-M plus 1 percentage point. Starting in 2025, the
rate of growth in per-enrollee payments for all groups
would be pegged to the consumer price index for all
urban consumers (CPI-U).
O Starting in 2021, the bill would reduce the federal
matching rate for funding for adults made eligible
for Medicaid by the Affordable Care Act (ACA);
that rate would decline 5 percentage points per year
through 2023 and then fall to equal the rate for other
enrollees in a state in later years.
Overall, including all provisions affecting Medicaid,
CBO estimates that spending for the program would be
reduced by $160 billion in 2026 compared with projec-
tions under current law.
Although it is generally not possible for CBO to provide
detailed estimates of the effects of changes in the nations
health care and health insurance systems beyond the
10-year projection period used for cost estimates, the
agency has developed a rough outlook for the decade fol-
lowing the 2017–2026 period by grouping the elements
of the legislation into two broad categories and assessing
the rate at which the budgetary impact of each of those
broad categories is likely to increase over time:
O CBO separated out the portion of Medicaid spending
in 2026 that would be affected by changes proposed
by the bill. For that portion, CBO approximated
spending growth, accounting for the changes to the
expansion of Medicaid eligibility authorized by the
ACA and for the per capita caps.
Figure 1 .
Changes in Medicaid Spending Under the Better
Care Reconciliation Act Compared With CBO’s
Extended Baseline
Percent
2026 2036
-40
-30
-20
-10
0
-26% -35%
Source: Congressional Budget Oce.
These estimates are for the Better Care Reconciliation Act of 2017, a
Senate amendment in the nature of a substitute to H.R. 1628.
Estimates are based on CBO’s July 2016 extended baseline.
3June 2017 Longer-Term effecTs of The BeTTer care reconciLiaTion acT of 2017 on medicaid spending
O CBO approximated the remainder of Medicaid
spending using the growth rate of such spending in
the agencys extended baseline.
As always, CBO has endeavored to develop budgetary
estimates that are in the middle of the distribution of
potential outcomes. Such estimates are inherently inexact
because the ways in which federal agencies, states, insur-
ers, employers, individuals, doctors, hospitals, and other
affected parties would respond to the changes made by
this legislation are all difficult to predict.
Per Capita Caps for Medicaid
The per capita caps under this legislation would con-
strain Medicaid spending in stages. Beginning in fiscal
year 2020, the federal government would limit the
amount of reimbursement it provides to states. That
limit would be set for a state by calculating the average
per-enrollee cost of medical services for most enrollees
who received full Medicaid benefits over eight consec-
utive quarters of the states choosing between the first
quarter of federal fiscal year 2014 and the third quarter
of 2017. Those enrollees would be in five specified cate-
gories: the elderly, disabled adults, nondisabled children,
adults made eligible for Medicaid by the ACA, and all
other adults. The Secretary of Health and Human Ser-
vices would then inflate the average per-enrollee costs for
each state as described—for most nondisabled children
and nondisabled adults enrolled in Medicaid using the
CPI-M and for most enrollees who are disabled adults
or age 65 or older using the CPI-M plus 1 percentage
point. Disabled children would be excluded from the per
capita caps and covered as under current law. Beginning
in 2025, the Secretary would shift the inflation factor
for all groups to the CPI-U. The final limit on federal
reimbursement for each state starting in 2020 would be
the average cost per enrollee for the five specified groups
of enrollees, reflecting growth from the base period in
the relevant inflation factors multiplied by the number
of enrollees in each category. The amount of spending
subject to those limits would be a large share of total
spending.
If a state spent more than the amount eligible for
federal reimbursement, the federal government would
provide no reimbursement for spending over the limit.
By CBO’s projections for the 2017–2024 period, the
limit on federal reimbursement would reduce outlays
because Medicaid spending, on a per-enrollee basis,
for non disabled children and nondisabled adults under
current law (after the changes to the Medicaid expansion
population have been accounted for) would grow faster,
at 4.9 percent, than the CPI-M, at 3.7 percent. However,
for most enrollees who are disabled adults or age 65 or
older, that rate under current law would be 3.3 percent,
lower than the CPI-M plus 1 percentage point. The per
capita caps would have a small effect on spending for
those groups, even though the caps would not gener-
ally be binding for them, because some shifting of costs
among groups would probably occur, and spending for a
particular group in a particular year could be affected.
In 2025 and beyond, the differences between spending
growth for Medicaid under current law and the growth
rate of the per capita caps for all groups would be sub-
stantial. CBO projects the growth rate of the CPI-U in
those years to be 2.4 percent.
Effects on Spending
Over the next decade, CBO projects, a large gap would
grow between Medicaid spending under current law and
under this bill. In later years, that gap would continue to
widen because of the compounding effect of the differ-
ences in spending growth rates. CBO projects that the
growth rate of Medicaid under current law would exceed
the growth rate of the per capita caps for all groups cov-
ered by the caps starting in 2025.
In CBO’s extended baseline, Medicaid spending is pro-
jected to be 2.0 percent of GDP in 2017 and 2.4 percent
by 2036. The 35 percent reduction in that spending that
CBO estimates for 2036 under this legislation would
result in Medicaid spending of 1.6 percent of GDP.
3
3. CBO generally presents long-term estimates as percentages of
GDP and not in nominal dollars. In the agencys judgment,
a presentation in nominal dollars can be misleading. The key
problem is that a dollar today means something very different
from a dollar in the distant future, for at least two reasons. First,
the cumulative effect of changes in prices over a long period can
be quite large, so a dollar amount in the distant future will have
much lower value than the same dollar amount today. Second,
the population, the economy, and people’s incomes will all grow
substantially over time, so a dollar amount in the distant future
will be much smaller relative to the size of the economy or a
persons income than the same dollar amount today.
4 Longer-Term effecTs of The BeTTer care reconciLiaTion acT of 2017 on medicaid spending June 2017
This document was requested by the Ranking Member
of the Senate Committee on the Budget and the Ranking
Member of the Senate Committee on Finance. Jeffrey
Kling prepared it with guidance from Holly Harvey and
with contributions from Xiaotong Niu, Lisa Ramirez-
Branum, Michael Simpson, and Robert Stewart. Jessica
Banthin, Chad Chirico, Theresa Gullo, Mark Hadley,
and David Weaver reviewed the document, John Skeen
edited it, and Casey Labrack prepared it for publication.
An electronic version is available on CBO’s website
(www.cbo.gov/publication/52859).
Keith Hall
Director
June 2017
Under this legislation, after the next decade, states
would continue to need to arrive at more efficient
methods for delivering services (to the extent feasi-
ble) and to decide whether to commit more of their
own resources, cut payments to health care providers
and health plans, eliminate optional services, restrict
eligibility for enrollment, or adopt some combination
of those approaches. Over the long term, there would
be increasing pressure on more states to use all of those
tools to a greater extent.