uploaded content for possible CSAM and then, as required by law, report what they find to
NCMEC.
Defendants frequently challenge the admissibility of evidence submitted to NCMEC
(and any evidence gathered based on those materials), asserting that Section 2258A turned their
provider into a government agent. To date, courts have rejected this argument, finding the
services’ searches were voluntary and thus the evidence was admissible.
This regime enables online service providers to detect and report CSAM tens of millions of times
per year
—and its viability rests on the narrow legal foundation of the services volitionally
choosing to prospectively search for CSAM. Congress should tread carefully before changing
providers’ CSAM-screening obligations lest it topple the precarious balance being tenuously
maintained under existing law.
The EARN IT Act creates that risk by exposing providers to civil and state criminal liability for
CSAM. The bill’s sponsors have expressly stated that they want to goad recalcitrant providers
into looking harder for CSAM by adopting widely-used tools “to automate the detection of
known CSAM material and report it to NCMEC.”
To the extent the EARN IT Act pushes providers to conduct searches they would not freely
choose to do, it converts them into government agents and the evidence they submit to NCMEC
(and any further evidence generated from it) risks being thrown out in court.
Depriving
prosecutors of that key evidence would make it harder to secure convictions and lessen NCMEC
reports’ utility as a source of investigatory leads. Thus, the bill could reduce the number of
CSAM offenders held accountable for this heinous crime—by helping them walk free.
The EARN IT Act rolls the dice with the fate of CSAM prosecutions premised on searches the
Act would impel providers to conduct. Passing the Act requires Congress to bet that defendants’
constitutional challenges to those searches would never once succeed. With justice for child
victims at stake, Congress should refuse to make that bet. Rather than proceed with the EARN IT
Act, Congress should evaluate other options to address the scourge of online CSAM without
impinging on constitutional values.
Child Sexual Abuse Material (CSAM)—By the Numbers, National Center for Missing and Exploited Children
[NCMEC], https://www.missingkids.org/theissues/csam#bythenumbers.
E.g., United States v. Miller, 982 F. 3d 412, 424 (6th Cir. 2020); United States v. Stevenson, 727 F.3d 826, 830 (8th
Cir. 2013); United States v. Cameron, 699 F.3d 621, 637–38 (1st Cir. 2012); United States v. Richardson, 607 F.3d
357, 366–67 (4th Cir. 2010).
The EARN IT Act: Myth vs. Fact, available at
https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/21194217/earn_it_act_of_2022_myth_vs_fact.pdf (relating to nearly
identical version of the bill introduced in the 117
th
Congress).
Kosseff, supra note 4, at 2; see also Kir Nuthi, The EARN IT Act Would Give Criminal Defendants a Get-Out-of-
Jail-Free Card, SLATE (Feb. 11, 2022, 9:59 AM), https://slate.com/technology/2022/02/earn-it-act-fourth-
amendment-violation.html; Riana Pfefferkorn, Ignoring EARN IT’s Fourth Amendment Problem Won’t Make It Go
Away, STAN. L. SCH. CTR. FOR INTERNET & SOC’Y (Mar. 9, 2022, 7:27 PM),
http://cyberlaw.stanford.edu/blog/2022/03/ignoring-earn-it%E2%80%99s-fourth-amendment-problem-
won%E2%80%99t-make-it-go-away.