1
Introduction
The Republic of Turkey has often been governed under the state of emergency (SoE) regimes
since its proclamation in 1923. SoE government procedures have been implemented for a total of 43
years in Turkey, including a total of 41 years covering 26 years of martial law regime at various times
between 1923 and 1987 and a 15-year-long state of emergency between 1987 and 2002 in addition to
a 2-year-long SoE between 2016 and 2018.
1
During these emergency periods, amendments were usually introduced to many laws, most
notably to constitutions; either new constitutions were drafted as was the case in military coup periods
in 1961, 1971 and 1980 or legislative amendments that restricted fundamental rights and freedoms
were introduced in individual laws.
The latest SoE regime was declared in the aftermath of the coup d’état attempt of 15 July 2016.
The government, exercising the power granted by Article 120 of the Constitution of the Republic of
Turkey, declared a 3-month SoE all over the country starting on 21 July 2016 within the scope of
Article 3(1)(b) of Law No. 2935 on State of Emergency. Following the first three months, SoE was
extended 7 times and was finally lifted on 18 July 2018.
2
The government started issuing decree laws [kanun hükmünde kararname] that restricted
fundamental rights and freedoms in the aftermath of the declaration of SoE following the failed coup
attempt staged against the government on 15 July 2016. These decree laws are necessarily exempt
from judicial review. The Constitutional Court recanted its “previous” case-law in its judgment on
emergency decree laws in 2016 holding that emergency decree laws were not subjected to
constitutionality review.
3
Although the SoE was lifted, these decree laws were enacted into laws to be
implemented in states/conditions of non-emergency through Law No. 7145 and Law No. 7333.
SoE decree laws have two implications on the human rights field in Turkey with regards to their
content and practice. Firstly, they resulted in the corrosion of the principle of rule of law and in the
unlawful governance of the field of fundamental rights and freedoms in Turkey as per procedure.
1
For documents and assessment of the period up to 1991, see. M. Semih Gemalmaz. Olağanüstü
Rejim Standartları. 1994.
2
For a detailed analysis of the SoE period and emergency decree laws, see Human Rights Joint
Platform’s (HRJP) “Updated Situation Report: State of Emergency in Turkey 21 July 2016-20
March 2018” https://ihop.org.tr/en/2018/04/25/updated-situation-report-state-of-emergency-in-
turkey-21-july-2016-20-march-2018/
3
For a comprehensive analysis of emergency decree laws, see the information note entitled “Atipik
KHK’LER ve Daimi Hukuksuzluk: OHAL KHK’si ile erkeği kadın, kadını erkek yapamazsınız!” co-
authored by Kerem Altıparmak, Dinçer Demirkent and Murat Sevinç. http://www.ihop.org.tr/wp-
content/uploads/2018/04/Atipik-OHAL-KHKleri_II-1.pdf
2
Secondly, they led to the shrinking of the activity field of current human rights struggle in many ways
in their practice. Therefore, the first part of this report will address the standards in restricting rights
and freedoms in major national and supranational human rights documents while discussing the
legality of declaration of SoE and its successive extensions, and the second part will focus on
interferences with human rights and freedoms in the unlawful environment brought about through and
by decree laws themselves with regards to human rights and freedoms beginning with 15 July 2016
extending today as well as their impact on a diverse set of human rights and fundamental freedoms.
Certain prominent cases will be offered as samples in order for us to comprehend these implications
on the human rights struggle in everyday life. The final part will offer recommendations with an eye to
the elimination of problems brought about by the SoE and emergency decree laws and the
consequences of the violations they led to.
3
Declaration of SoE and Turkey’s Obligations
A coup attempt was plotted in Turkey on 15 July 2016 against the government that took office by
the popular vote. Military officers and non-commissioned officers of the Turkish Armed Forces that
attempted to stage a coup used a variety of arms including heavy weaponry like fighter jets and tanks.
245 citizens, including 173 civilians, lost their lives while 2,194 citizens were wounded during these
attacks. Coup plotters wounded numerous people (anti-coup public officials and civilian citizens who
resisted them). Coup plotters also bombarded the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (GNAT), the
legislative organ of the state. Following the quenching of the attempted coup on 16 July 2016, the
council of ministers (government) convening under the chairpersonship of the president on 20 July
2016 declared SoE for three months throughout the country under Article 120 of the then current
Constitution. The decision rendered by the council of ministers was ratified a day later on 21 July 2016
by the GNAT.
Constitution of the Republic of Turkey, Article 120 [Repealed]
In the event of serious indications of widespread acts of violence aimed at the destruction
of the free democratic order established by the Constitution or of fundamental rights and
freedoms, or serious deterioration of public order because of acts of violence, the Council
of Ministers, meeting under the chairmanship of the President of the Republic, after
consultation with the National Security Council, may declare a state of emergency in one or
more regions or throughout the country for a period not exceeding six months.
SoE was extended for another three months each time by the council of ministers convening under
the chairpersonship of the president and these extension decisions were ratified by the GNAT. This
process resumed until 19 July 2018 with three-month extensions. The committee of ministers
rendered a total of 32 emergency decree laws under the then in-effect Article 121 of the Constitution.
4
5 other decrees, other than these 32 emergency decree laws
5
, numbered 698, 699, 700, 702 and 703
also went into force as ordinary decree laws during the same timeframe.
4
For a full record of decree laws issued during the SoE, see appendix “State of Emergency
Decree Laws, Their Publishing in the Official Gazette and Their Content in Brief.”
5
The Constitutional Court stated the following in its judgment of 26 January 2022 (Merits No.
2020/17, Judgment No. 2020/17) published in the Official Gazette of 1 April 2022 on the Decree
Law No. 682 (Law No. 7068): “Law No. 7068, which includes the rule appealed against, went into
force as a result of the ratification by the Grand National Assembly of Turkey of the Decree Law
No. 682 on General Law Enforcement Disciplinary Provisions of 2 January 2017 that was issued
within the scope of the state of emergency” (para. 17). The Constitutional Court, thus, qualifies
4
One can summarize the prominent features and consequences of emergency decree laws as
such:
More than 130,000 public employees were dismissed from their posts through decree laws.
These employees did not only consist of such officials as military officers, non-
commissioned officers, police officers and intelligence officers who were actively involved in
the coup attempt. They were public servants holding office almost at every level within the
state organization.
Along with the dismissal of public employees from their posts, in other words their lustration
from the state apparatus, not only their passports but those of their spouses and children
were also cancelled.
Arms permits, ship’s crew documents or piloting licenses held by these individuals were
also cancelled.
Those dismissed were evacuated from public-owned residences, lodgments within 15 days.
Those dismissed were dismissed for good; they will not be able to hold offices in public
services anymore.
Thousands of those dismissed were subjected to arrests and detentions.
Private institutions and organizations, educational institutions, press, newspapers, journals,
TV channels, universities, foundations and associations, etc. were permanently shut down
on the grounds of their alleged “affiliation, contact or junction[mensubiyet, irtibat or iltisak]
with the attempted coup or terrorism. Their movable and immovable property were seized,
confiscated.
The fact, however, is that the law on SoE is the Law No. 2935 on the State of Emergency dated
1983. Under these circumstances, all emergency decree laws issued within the framework of Article
121/3 of the Constitution should have to be in accordance with Law No. 2935 on the State of
Emergency. Moreover, a permanent measure exceeding the SoE timeframe and violating principles of
proportionality, effectiveness, constitutionality, rule of law, fundamental rights and democracy is
blatantly in violation of the standards of the Council of Europe, as has also been referred to in the
case-law of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and reports by the Venice Commission.
SoE Extension Decisions and Soe Decree Laws
The SoE was extended for a total of 7 times by the committee of ministers under Article 3 of Law
No. 2935 on State of Emergency beginning with 21 July 2016 and the latest covered the period
between 19 April 2018 and 18 July 2018 while these extension decisions were ratified by the Plenary
of the GNAT.
Decree Law No. 682 as a decree law that was issued “within the scope of state of emergency.”
Therefore, Decree Law No. 682 is referred to as an emergency decree law in our study.
5
Law No. 2935 on State of Emergency
6
Article 3 - (b)
(…) The state of emergency decision shall be published in the Official Gazette and
immediately be submitted for approval of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. If the
Grand National Assembly of Turkey is in recess, it shall be summoned to convene
immediately. The Assembly may amend the duration of the state of emergency. Upon a
request from the Council of Ministers, the Assembly may extend the duration each time for
a period not exceeding four months, or it may terminate the state of emergency. The
Council of Ministers after declaring a state of emergency in accordance with provision (b),
shall also consult the National Security Council before rendering a decision on questions
related to the extension of the duration, alternation of the scope, or the termination of the
state of emergency. (…)
A total of 32 decree laws were issued during the SoE under Article 121 of the Constitution and they
were published in the Official Gazette. It has, however, been observed that procedures were not
followed during the ratification of many decree laws. Such state of affairs reveals that the legislative
branch could not duly and pertinently review the executive branch’s acts, while the executive branch
used the power of the legislative branch through normative regulations (decree laws) until the time
when legislative checks would be provided.
For instance, decree laws nos. 672 and 673 that were published in the Official Gazette on 1
September 2016 were submitted to the Plenary of the GNAT a year and six months after they went
into force, while they were ratified on 6 February 2018 having been deliberated at the Plenary and
published in the Official Gazette on 8 March 2018 as Law No. 7080 and Law No. 7081 respectively.
This issue is covered by Article 121 of the Constitution. Accordingly, “Decrees shall be published in
the Official Gazette, and shall be submitted to the Grand National Assembly of Turkey on the same
day for approval; the duration and procedure for their approval by the Assembly shall be indicated in
its Rules of Procedure.” Article 128 of the GNAT’s Rules of Procedure sets forth that if deliberations
on the decrees fail to be concluded in the committees, within twenty days the latest, the Office of the
Speaker puts them on the agenda of the Plenary to be deliberated immediately within thirty days.
Out of a total of 32 SoE decree laws, a committee was convened merely for one, while 31 decree
laws were sent directly to the Plenary because they were not deliberated. 5 (667, 668, 669, 671, 674)
) out of 12 decree laws issued in 2016 were deliberated at the Plenary of the GNAT 3 months after
having been published in the Official Gazette in the same year, the remaining 7 decree laws (670,
672, 673, 675, 676, 677, 678) were deliberated at the Plenary 14 to 16 months after having been
published in the Official Gazette in 2018, while 18 decree laws (679696) issued in 2017 were
deliberated at the Plenary 13 months after having been published in the Official Gazette in 2018 and
all were passed into laws.
Decree law no. 697 issued in 2018 was deliberated at the Plenary of the GNAT within a month,
while the last decree law of the state of emergency, decree law no. 701, was passed into law after
having been deliberated at the Plenary 3 months after it was issued. The following table presents the
timeline of decree laws passed into laws:
The Timeline of Decree Laws Passed into Laws
Decree Law No
Law No
Official Gazette
6
For the full text of Law No. 2935 on State of Emergency, see:
https://www.mevzuat.gov.tr/MevzuatMetin/1.5.2935.pdf
6
667
23.07.2016
6749
29.10.2016
668
27.07.2016 Doublet
6755
24.11.2016
669
31.07.2016
6756
24.11.2016
670
17.08.2016
7091
08.03.2018 Doublet
671
17.08.2016
6757
24.11.2016
672
01.09.2016 Doublet
7080
08.03.2018 Doublet
673
01.09.2016 Doublet
7081
08.03.2018 Doublet
674
01.09.2016 Doublet
6758
24.11.2016
675
29.10.2016
7082
08.03.2018 Doublet
676
29.10.2016
7070
08.03.2018 Doublet
677
22.11.2016
7083
08.03.2018 Doublet
678
22.11.2016
7071
08.03.2018 Doublet
679
06.01.2017 Doublet
7084
08.03.2018 Doublet
680
06.01.2017 Doublet
7072
08.03.2018 Doublet
681
06.01.2017 Doublet
7073
08.03.2018 Doublet
682
23.01.2017
7068
08.03.2018 Doublet
683
23.01.2017
7085
08.03.2018 Doublet
684
23.01.2017
7074
08.03.2018 Doublet
685
23.01.2017
7075
08.03.2018 Doublet
686
07.02.2017 Doublet
7086
08.03.2018 Doublet
687
09.02.2017
7076
08.03.2018 Doublet
688
29.03.2017 Doublet
7087
08.03.2018 Doublet
689
29.04.2017 Doublet
7088
08.03.2018 Doublet
690
29.04.2017 Doublet
7077
08.03.2018 Doublet
691
22.06.2017 Doublet
7069
08.03.2018 Doublet
692
14.07.2017 Doublet
7089
08.03.2018 Doublet
693
25.08.2017
7090
08.03.2018 Doublet
694
25.08.2017
7078
08.03.2018 Doublet
695
24.12.2017
7092
08.03.2018 Doublet
696
24.12.2017
7079
08.03.2018 Doublet
697
12.01.2018
7098
08.03.2018 Doublet
701
08.07.2018
7150
03.11.2018 Doublet
The objective of decree law no. 667, as set forth in its Article 1, is to “identify the necessary
measures to be taken within the scope of the state of emergency declared throughout the country
7
within the framework of the coup attempt and counter-terrorism, and the related procedures and
principles.”
The decree law states that public employees assessed to be a member of, belonging to or acting in
junction or contact with terrorist organizations or structures, formations or groups decided to have
been acting against the national security of the state by the National Security Council would be
dismissed from their public posts. The decree law also regulates the ways in which judges would be
removed from office. SoE Law no. 2935 does not set forth a legal regulation on the removal of judges
from office. Moreover, there is no provision as to the liquidation of other public officials, not only
judges. Permanent closure / liquidation of legal persons (the law refers to them as associations) is not
covered by Law No. 2935 either. The final paragraph of Article 11 of the law merely mentions that an
association’s activities can be suspended on the condition that it does not exceed three months.
Further, it is resolved that this needs to be done individually for each association.
Articles 3 and 4 of decree law no. 667 prescribe that judges and other public officials may be
dismissed upon decisions rendered by related judicial organs or administrative bodies. Article 2 of
decree law no. 668 incorporates a list of public officials to be dismissed and of press institutions to be
closed down by the decree law. All assets belonging to those in the list are passed down to the state
treasury permanently and without charge. The above-mentioned regulations are literally repeated in
all dismissal decrees as well as provisions on movable and immovable property. All these measures
are permanent. Dismissals are permanent. Revoking licenses are permanent. Confiscation of
movable and immovable property free of charge is permanent. Further, issue of stay orders cannot be
rendered in court cases brought against decisions and measures taken within the scope of decree
laws under Article 10/1 of decree law no. 667.
The Venice Commission’s “Opinion on Emergency Decree Laws Nos. 667-676 Adopted following
the Failed Coup of 15 July 2016”
7
underlined the fact that the same results could have been achieved
through temporary measures instead of permanent ones in paragraph 85.
85. The risk of a repeated coup may be significantly reduced if the supposed Gülenists, as
a precautionary measure, were suspended from their posts, and not dismissed. Similarly,
instead of definitely confiscating all assets of organizations, it may suffice to temporarily
freeze large amounts on their bank accounts or prevent important transactions, to appoint
temporary administrators and to allow only such economic activity which may help the
organization in question to survive until its case is examined by a court following normal
procedures. Temporary measures of this type also ultimately make possible fairer
examination of the correctness of the decisions being made according to ordinary judicial
process.
The Venice Commission, which set forth that some provisions in the decree laws were permanent
noting that such state of affairs did not comply with the temporariness of the SoE (para. 87) and
offered examples to this end (para. 88):
87. (...) While certain measures introduced by the decree laws are clearly temporary, other
measures make changes to the current legislation, and the decree laws do not indicate that
these measures will cease to apply after the end of the emergency period. Thus, the
authorities intend to keep these measures in the legislation permanently.
7
https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL-AD(2016)037-e
8
88. Thus, for example, Article 23 of Decree Law No. 671 abolishes the Telecom
Presidency and transfers its functions to the Information and Communication Technologies
Authority. Article 25 of this Decree Law establishes a new procedure for authorizing
wiretapping of telecommunications and obtaining access to electronic data archives. It thus
amends current Article 60 of the Electronic Communications Law. Article 16 of Decree Law
No. 674 amends Law No. 5275 on the execution of penalties and security measures, giving
the Chief Public Prosecutor the power to restrict the detainees’ “temporary leave” from
penitentiary institutions and detention centers. (…)
Restrictions on Fundamental Rights and Freedoms through
Emergency Decree Laws
Restrictions can be imposed on the implementation of the articles of international and regional
human rights conventions or covenants that a country is a party to and these articles can be
suspended during states of emergency. The important fact, however, is that these restrictions are
subjected to notification and supervision. Moreover, such suspensions or derogations are not valid for
convention or covenant articles that cannot be restricted or derogated from. The Republic of Turkey is
a party to the United Nations International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the
European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). The below-cited articles of this covenant and
convention list human rights and freedoms that the states are not allowed to derogate from and
cannot take measures in violation of them.
UN International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Article 4
Derogation in time of emergency
1. In time of public emergency which threatens the life of the nation and the existence of
which is officially proclaimed, the States Parties to the present Covenant may take
measures derogating from their obligations under the present Covenant to the extent
strictly required by the exigencies of the situation, provided that such measures are not
inconsistent with their other obligations under international law and do not involve
discrimination solely on the ground of race, color, sex, language, religion or social origin.
2. No derogation from articles 6, 7, 8 (paragraphs I and 2), 11, 15, 16 and 18 may be made
under this provision.
3. Any State Party to the present Covenant availing itself of the right of derogation shall
immediately inform the other States Parties to the present Covenant, through the
intermediary of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, of the provisions from which it
has derogated and of the reasons by which it was actuated. A further communication shall
be made, through the same intermediary, on the date on which it terminates such
derogation.
The following rights are regulated in the articles listed in the second paragraph of Article 4:
The right to life (Art. 6), prohibition of torture (Art. 7), prohibition of slavery and servitude
(Art. 8), prohibition of imprisonment merely on the ground of inability to fulfil a contractual
obligation (Art. 11), no punishment without law (Art. 15), right to recognition as a person
before the law (Art. 16), right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion (Art. 18).
No derogations are allowed about these rights and freedoms as is stated in Article 4/2.
from these obligations
European Convention on Human Rights, Article 15
9
Derogation in time of emergency
1. In time of war or other public emergency threatening the life of the nation any High
Contracting Party may take measures derogating from its obligations under this
Convention to the extent strictly required by the exigencies of the situation, provided that
such measures are not inconsistent with its other obligations under international law.
2. No derogation from Article 2, except in respect of deaths resulting from lawful acts of
war, or from Articles 3, 4 (paragraph 1) and 7 shall be made under this provision.
In this case, rights and freedoms from which no derogation is allowed and no inconsistent
measures can be taken under Article 15/2 of the ECHR are: rights to life (Art. 2), prohibition
of torture (Art. 3), prohibition of slavery and servitude (Art. 4/1), and no punishment without
law (Art. 7).
Turkey, a party to the human rights conventions and covenants by the Council of Europe and the
United Nations, notified the Secretary General of the Council of Europe immediately after the
declaration of the SoE on 21 July 2016 under Article 15 of the ECHR and the UN Secretary General
on 2 August 2016 under Article 4 of the ICCPR. Turkey also clearly communicated to the UN from
which articles of the covenants it would derogate but the authorities confined themselves to submitting
a mere general statement to the Council of Europe.
The ECtHR noted in its judgment in the case of Mehmet Hasan Altan v. Turkey (application no.
13237/17, judgment date: 20.03.2018) on Turkey’s notification to the Council of Europe within the
context of Article 15:
The Court accepts that the notice of derogation by Turkey satisfied the formal requirement
laid down in Article 15/3 of the Convention, namely to keep the Secretary General of the
Council of Europe fully informed of the measures taken by way of derogation from the
Convention and the reasons for them. The Court further notes that under Article 15 of the
Convention, any High Contracting Party has the right, in time of war of public emergency
threatening the life of the nation, to take measures derogating from its obligations under
the Convention, other than those listed in paragraph 2 of that Article, provided that such
measures are strictly proportionate to the exigencies of the situation and that they do not
conflict with other obligations under international law.
The government notified the UN that it would impose restrictions on a total of 13 articles of the
ICCPR. The articles derogated from included “right to an effective remedy in case of a violation”
among the General Provisions under Article 2, right to liberty and security of person (Art. 9), rights of
persons deprived of their liberty (Art. 10), liberty of movement (Art. 12), procedural guarantees against
the deportation of foreign nationals (Art. 13), freedom of expression (Art. 19), freedom of assembly
(Art. 21), freedom of association (Art. 22), political rights (Art. 25), equality before law (Art. 26),
protection of minority rights (Art. 27).
As per domestic law, there are also provisions on rights from which no derogation is allowed in
times of war and states of emergency in Article 15/2 of the Constitution of the Republic of Turkey.
Article 15 stated the following as of the attempted coup of 15 July 2016 before it was amended (the
term “martial law” was removed from the paragraph through Article 16 of Law No. 6771 dated
21/1/2017):
IV. Suspension of the exercise of fundamental rights and freedoms
10
Article 15 In times of war, mobilization, martial law or a state of emergency, the exercise
of fundamental rights and freedoms may be partially or entirely suspended or measures
derogating the guarantees embodied in the Constitution may be taken to the extent
required by the exigencies of the situation, as long as obligations under international law
are not violated.
(Miscellaneous: 7.5.2004-5170/2 Art.) Even under the circumstances indicated in the first
paragraph, the individual’s right to life, the integrity of their physical and psychological
existence shall be inviolable except where death occurs through acts in conformity with law
of war; no one shall be compelled to reveal their religion, conscience, thought or opinion,
nor be accused on account of them; offenses and penalties shall not be made retroactive;
nor shall anyone be held guilty until so proven by a court ruling.
As is seen, international covenants and conventions Turkey is a party to and the Constitution of the
Republic of Turkey list rights and freedoms that are not allowed to be derogated from in times of war
and states of emergency. Nonetheless, Turkey hastily opted for suspending all international and
national obligations upon the declaration of the SoE without taking the time to assess whether such
restrictions were necessary or not.
Council of Europe Human Rights Commissioner Nils Muiznieks also offered significant analyses of
the SoE in Turkey. Commissioner Muiznieks published “Memorandum on the human rights
implications of the measures taken under the state of emergency in Turkey”
8
on 7 October 2016
following his visit to Turkey between 27 and 29 September 2016.
The commissioner noted that the sweeping measures taken on the basis of decree laws without
any court ruling were not limited to the public sector but also included the civil society, municipalities,
private schools, universities, medical establishments, legal professionals, media, business and
finance, as well as the family members of suspects. For the commissioner, it was therefore clear that
these measures created sweeping interferences with the human rights of a very large number of
persons. The commissioner underlined that far-reaching, discretionary powers exercised by the
administration via decree laws engendered a certain degree of arbitrariness and eroded rule of law,
yet protection of human rights was impossible without the rule of law. The commissioner criticized the
government for sustaining state of emergency although two and a half months had passed since the
coup attempt at the time of his memorandum and stated that the time had come to revert to ordinary
legislation as regards criminal and administrative procedures and safeguards. The commissioner
significantly emphasized that the Turkish authorities should immediately start repealing the
emergency decrees (para. 12). Commissioner Muiznieks reminded the readers of the following
principles as well (para. 13):
The Commissioner is convinced that it is in the interest of the Turkish authorities to conduct
this fight while fully upholding human rights, as well as general principles of law such as,
among others, presumption of innocence, individuality of criminal responsibility and
punishment, no punishment without law, non-retroactivity of criminal law, legal certainty,
right to defense and equality of arms. In the Commissioner’s view, the restoration of social
peace and confidence in democratic institutions that Turkish society direly needs in the
aftermath of the coup attempt can only be attained if all proceedings are conducted in a
fully transparent manner, adhering to these general principles of law and human rights
which are at the core of the Council of Europe.
8
https://rm.coe.int/ref/CommDH(2016)35
11
The commissioner also drew attention to the extension of the custody period to 30 days, drastic
restrictions on access to lawyers, as well as limitations on the confidentiality of the client-lawyer
relationship and indicated that Turkey had no functioning National Preventive Mechanism concerning
the allegations of torture and ill-treatment (para. 15). Further, the commissioner took note of the
information that the National Security Council had already designated FETÖ/PDY as a terrorist
organization in 2015, while noting that the conclusions of this body were not addressed to the public,
but to the council of ministers (para. 19). The commissioner pointed that there was no final judgment
rendered by the Turkish judiciary about this organization as well (para. 20). The commissioner,
therefore, urged the authorities to dispel these fears by communicating very clearly that mere
membership or contacts with a legally established and operating organization, even if it was affiliated
with the Fethullah Gülen movement, was not sufficient to establish criminal liability and to ensure that
charges for terrorism were not applied retroactively to actions which would have been legal before 15
July.
The Venice Commission’s “Opinion on Emergency Decree Laws Nos. 667-676 Adopted following
the Failed Coup of July 2016” published in December 2016 was adopted by the commission at its
109
th
Plenary Session. The opinion presented comments based mainly on 10 emergency decree laws
issued until December 2016. The Venice Commission also indicated in its opinion that state of
emergency powers should be used in limitation and measures against current threats should be taken
by means of ordinary legislation:
9
(…) The Government requested and received emergency powers from Parliament in July
2016 in connection with a specific public emergency, and should use those powers
accordingly. As underlined in the Rule of Law Checklist (with reference to further
international human rights standards), in the context of an emergency situation “strict limits
on the duration, circumstance and scope of such [emergency] powers [of the Government]
is therefore essential.” Other threats to the public order and safety should be dealt with by
means of ordinary legislation.
The Venice Commission recommended the government to try, to the maximum extent possible,
and whenever the danger might be averted otherwise, to take provisional individual measures during
the emergency regime, i.e. those which were of limited duration or might later be revoked or
amended.
Emergency Decree Laws and the Constitutional Court
Deputies from the Republican People’s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi -CHP) lodged an application
before the Constitutional Court in September 2016 to revoke and render issues of stay for emergency
decree laws nos. 668, 669, 670 and 671 on the grounds that they were in violation of the Preamble to
the Constitution as well as Articles 2, 6, 7, 8, 11, 91 and 121.
9
Para. 68: https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL-
AD(2016)037-e
12
Nevertheless, the Constitutional Court rejected these applications lodged under Article 121 of the
Constitution on the grounds of lack of jurisdiction holding that it was not possible for the court to
undertake judicial review on the merits of the case in the light of the provision in the third sentence of
Article 148/1 of the Constitution which puts forth: “Presidential decrees issued during a state of
emergency or in time of war shall not be brought before the Constitutional Court alleging their
unconstitutionality as to form or substance” (Merits: 2016/166, Judgment: 2016/159, Judgement Date:
12 October 2016).
127 deputies also lodged an application before the Constitutional Court to revoke 25 laws which
had been issued originally as decree laws but had then been passed into laws after ratification by the
GNAT. The General Secretariat of the Constitutional Court held after its review of the case that the
laws in question were not unconstitutional in form. Applications for review on merits were finalized a
year later than the lifting of the SoE (July 2018) in 2019 and in 2020.
Altıparmak et. al. characterized these emergency decree laws, which transgressed the boundaries
drawn by both the Constitution and international law, as “atypical” and classified them in two groups:
10
a. Decree laws irrelevant to the SoE and regulated issues that required regulation by
ordinary legislation, therefore, bearing the qualification of transfer of legislative power.
b. Decree laws without general, abstract and non-personal rules with personalized punitive
qualification, therefore, bearing the qualification of transfer of judicial power.
Both groups of decree laws, which were issued by bypassing the legislative power of the GNAT
and later passed into laws, were made exempt from judicial review by means of the Constitutional
Court judgment, while effective protection of and guaranteeing fundamental rights and freedoms were
circumvented. Such state of affairs, in turn, created a situation that shrunk the field of both
fundamental rights and freedoms as well as that of human rights advocacy in Turkey.
The Constitutional Court rendered partial repeal judgments on various issues within the scope of
cases about laws that adopted emergency decree laws verbatim. Nonetheless, this issue will not be
tackled in detail as it would quite extend the scope of this study at hand.
Emergency Decree Laws and the European Court of Human Rights
Many an individual lodged direct applications before the ECtHR in the aftermath of the dismissals
through emergency decree laws as there were no available domestic remedies in Turkey because
there had been no legal and judicial remedies that individuals could use against measures taken
through emergency decree laws under Article 40 of the Constitution until decree law no. 685 was
issued.
The fact that the ECtHR declared all applications lodged on the issue before it in 2016 inadmissible
caused great disappointment. The first of these inadmissibility decisions was Mercan v. Turkey
(Application no: 56511/2016)
11
and the other was Zihni v. Turkey (Application No: 59061/2016).
12
10
Altıparmak, Kerem, Dinçer Demirkent andMurat Sevinç. “Atipik KHK’ler ve Daimi Hukuksuzluk:
Artık Yasaları İdare Mi İptal Edecek?” HRJP: 8 March 2018: https://www.ihop.org.tr/wp-
content/uploads/2018/03/Atipik_OHAL_-KHKleri-1.pdf
13
The ECtHR suggested various means within domestic law that people could apply to in Turkey by
means of the Council of Europe. Indeed the Inquiry Commission on the State of Emergency
Measures
13
was established by authorities having taken the recommendations of the Council of
Europe and the Venice Commission into account (but moving away from these recommendations) via
decree law no. 685 on 23 January 2017.
The ECtHR found a violation in its judgment in the case of Hamit Pişkin, whose employment
contract was cancelled through decree law no. 677, on 15 December 2020. Following the cancellation
of his employment contract, Hamit Pişkin’s appeals were rejected by the Ankara Labor Court and
others. The Constitutional Court, too, declared his individual application inadmissible. No criminal
proceedings had been initiated into Hamit Pişkin upon which he lodged an application before the
ECtHR and the European court found a violation of Article 8 of the ECHR that regulates the right to
respect for private life in its judgment in the case of Pişkin v. Turkey (Application No: 33399/18) on 15
December 2020.
14
The Inquiry Commission on the State of Emergency Measures
Council of Europe General Secretariat’s recommendation for Turkey to establish a special
provisional board tasked withinquiring public employees’ removal from their posts and individual
cases about other related measures” as a “temporary solution” in the face of the high number and
volume of applications lodged before the ECtHR was also supported by the Council of Europe Venice
Commission.
As a result of consultations with the Council of Europe General Secretariat, Decree law no. 685,
published in the Official Gazette of 23 January 2017, established an inquiry commission in order to
“carry out an assessment of and render a decision on applications about measures taken directly
through the provisions of decree laws, without any other administrative measure taken, on the
grounds of membership, belonging, acting in junction or contact with terrorist organizations or
structures, formations or groups decided to have been acting against the national security of the state
by the National Security Council within the scope of state of emergency.”
Procedures and principles about applications to be lodged before the Inquiry Commission on the
State of Emergency Measures and the modus operandi of the commission were designated by the
office of the prime minister and published in the Official Gazette of 12 July 2017 (No. 30122 -doublet).
The office of the prime minister announced that the applications would be received by the commission
starting on 17 July 2017. The commission stated that a total of 230 staff were assigned to serve on
the commission including 80 rapporteurs (judges, experts, inspectors) to assess and render a decision
on acts established directly through decree laws under the SoE including dismissals from public
service, cancellation of scholarship, annulment of ranks of retired security personnel and closure of
institutions and organizations.
Article 1/2 of decree law no. 685 set forth that the commission would be composed of 7 members,
3 of whom would be selected and assigned by the prime minister from among public officials, one
11
https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/eng-press#{%22itemid%22:[%22003-5549956-6992608%22]}
12
https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/eng-press#{%22itemid%22:[%22003-5571723-7028417%22]}
13
https://soe.tccb.gov.tr
14
https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/eng-press?i=003-6886711-9239474
14
member would be assigned by the minister of justice from among judges and prosecutors working for
the ministry of justice, one member would be selected by the interior minister from among personnel
holding the class of chief of civil administration and two members would be assigned by the Supreme
Board of Judges and Prosecutors from among rapporteur judges holding office in the Court of
Cassation and the Council of State.
When the chairperson of the commission was assigned as an undersecretary at the Ministry of
Justice and left the commission, he was not replaced and the commission resumed work with 6
members.
The commission only started working 6 months after 23 January 2017, when the decision to
establish such commission was rendered on 23 January 2017, and announced its initial decisions on
18 January 2018. According to information provided by the commission, a mere total of 16,060
acceptance decisions were rendered about 126,883 applications lodged before it as of 31 December
2021. The number of rejected applications was 104,643, while 6,080 decisions were pending before
the commission.
15
Provisional Article 1/3 of decree law no. 685 provided those who were dismissed from their posts
by authorized organs to go to courts within 60 days after the publication of the decree law. There is,
however, no publicly available data about the results and number of applications lodged within the
scope of this legal remedy that was particularly made available for dismissed judges and prosecutors
through decisions rendered by the Board of Judges and Prosecutors.
Appeals against Decisions Rendered by the Inquiry Commission on
the State of Emergency Measures
Ankara Administrative Courts were authorized to hear annulment cases to be brought against
decisions rendered by the Inquiry Commission on the State of Emergency Measures. According to an
announcement by the Board of Judges and Prosecutors, these courts would hear cases brought by
those dismissed from their posts and by closed-down organizations against rejection decisions
rendered by the commission.
Public employees, who were directly dismissed by the institutions they had worked for, on the other
hand, need to bring a case to an administrative court in due time while judges and prosecutors who
had been dismissed through decisions rendered by the Supreme Board of Judges and Prosecutors
need to apply to the Council of State. The deadline for appeals vary between 30 to 45 days depending
on the institution. If the deadline is missed, reinstatement becomes legally out of the question. If
administrative courts deliver “rejection” rulings for reinstatement, applicants can appeal to the Council
of State. And if a similar ruling is delivered by the Council of State too, then the applicant has the right
to “individual application” before the Constitutional Court. Applicants, whose individual applications are
also rejected by the Constitutional Court, can subsequently bring their cases before the ECtHR.
15
https://soe.tccb.gov.tr
15
Implications of Decree Laws on the Civic Field
Decree law no. 667, which was issued on 23 July 2016 right after the declaration of the SoE,
signaled the measures to be taken during the SoE. These measures were designated on 22 July 2016
by the council of ministers that convened under the chairpersonship of the president as per Article 121
of the Constitution and Article 4 of Law No. 2935 on the State of Emergency dated 25 October 1983.
The measures prescribed by decree law no. 667 primarily targeted the Gülen sect that was said to
be the plotter of the failed coup attempt and incorporated the following measures in brief:
Measures about closed-down institutions and organizations.
Measures about members of the judiciary and those in the legal profession.
Measures about public employees.
Measures to be taken in pending investigations.
Investigation and prosecution procedures.
Cancellation of lease contracts about rights of easement and usufruct.
However, it was revealed in a couple of days that the government would turn the SoE into an
apparatus of repression and surveillance so as to cover everyone who could be regarded as
dissidents. Decree law no. 668, issued four days after decree law no. 667, expanded the scope of the
SoE and paved the way to introducing permanent amendments to the current legislation by way of
decree laws without being subjected to checks by the GNAT. Measures taken by the remaining 30
decree laws, issued after these two, fall outside the list of measures described by the Law on State of
Emergency dated 1983 since Articles 9 and 11 of Law No. 2935 on State of Emergency list the
measures to be taken within the scope of declaration of the SoE.
Although this law is referred to in decree laws, the prescribed measures transgress the borders
drawn by the Law on State of Emergency. For instance, measures like “removal of public employees
or judges from their posts” or “permanent liquidation of legal personalities” are not listed among the
measures to be taken in the declaration of SoE in the Law on State of Emergency dated 1983.
Regulations in Decree Laws Irrelevant to the Reasons for the Declaration of SoE
16
Measures to be taken during the SoE, permanent legislative regulations that had no causal
link to the reasons why SoE was declared were set forth by way of decree laws. These can
be listed as such:
1. A new university, “National Defense University,” was established through decree law no. 669.
2. An additional article was amended to Law No. 2547 on Higher Education through decree law
no. 674. Accordingly, the statuses of research assistants employed within the scope of the
Faculty Development Program were subjected to the provisions of Article 50(d) without any
other measure required.
3. Rectorate elections at universities were abolished through decree law no. 676. According to the
decree law, rectors are to be appointed to public universities by the president.
4. Law No. 6356 on Trade Unions and Collective Labor Agreements (Art. 63/1) was amended
through decree law no. 678. Accordingly, strike actions in inner-city public transport services for
metropolitan municipalities and banking services can now be postponed for 60 days.
5. The statement “military officers, contracted military officers, non-commissioned officers,
contracted non-commissioned officers, specialist gendarmes, specialist sergeants, contracted
sergeants and contracted privates serving at the Gendarmerie General Command and Coast
Guard Command” was added to the list of those who are not allowed to become members and
founders of public trade unions in Law No. 4688 on Public Employees’ Trade Unions and
Collective Labor Agreements through decree law no. 682.
6. A subparagraph was added to Article 4/1 of Law No. 6741 on the Establishment of Turkey
Wealth Fund Administration Incorporation and Amendments to Some Other Laws and the
scope of resources and financing for the Turkey Wealth Fund were expanded through decree
law no. 684.
7. There is no causal link between numerous regulations and the reasons why SoE was declared.
For instance, one cannot in good conscience find a correlation between using snow tires in
winter and terrorism, national security and, naturally, an attempted coup but it was the subject
of an emergency decree law (Article 2 of decree law no. 687, published in the Official Gazette of
9 February 2017).
8. Provisional articles were added to Law No. 4447 on Unemployment Insurance through decree
law no 687. The regulation for insurance premium support for each additional worker
employees would hire to be paid by the Unemployment Insurance Fund was introduced by this
decree law.
9. The Law on the Establishment of Radios and Televisions and Their Broadcasting Services was
amended through decree law 690. Marriage programs were banned.
10. Turkish Sugar Authority was closed down on 24 December 2017 through decree law no. 696.
11. A regulation on tenure for subcontracted public workers was done through decree law no. 696.
12. Decree laws nos. 674, 676, 680, 684, 694 and 696 introduced permanent amendments to the
Code of Criminal Procedure.
Decree laws both regulated the governmental (administrative) structure of the country and
issues of security and defense as well as introducing radical and permanent changes to
the fields of education, judiciary, social security.
16
Emergency decree laws should not introduce permanent structural changes to judicial bodies,
procedures and mechanisms, particularly in cases where such changes are not expressed in
unequivocal and clear terms in the Constitution.
17
As is declared in Article 2 of the Constitution of the
16
For amendments and additions introduced by decree laws to the legislation by way of “omnibus
bills,” see: When the State of Emergency Becomes the Norm: The Impact of Executive Decrees on
Turkish Legislation https://tr.boell.org/en/2018/03/15/when-state-emergency-becomes-norm
17
The above-mentioned “Opinion” by the Venice Commission also raised concerns about this
issue.
17
Republic of Turkey, the idea of “a democratic state governed by rule of law” also contains within itself
the principle of limited government. The Constitution of the Republic of Turkey allows governments to
derogate from or restrict human rights provisions and obligations only during the state of emergency
and on the condition that it is “categorically necessary and it does not broaden this power to cover
legal rules to be implemented after the termination of the state of emergency. As has also been
indicated by the UN Human Rights Committee, “the predominant objective must be the restoration of
a state of normalcy where full respect for human rights can again be secured”
18
for a state party that
derogated from the ICCPR.
When one takes into account international and regional human rights mechanisms, provisions in
emergency decree laws should lose legal validity upon the termination of state of emergency when
structural (general) measures are in question. Thus, it is expected that no permanent amendments
are introduced to the legislation through decree laws during the state of emergency. In Turkey,
however, 32 decree laws went into effect incorporating more than 1,200 articles within the current
legislation during the two-year-long state of emergency and these decree laws introduced
amendments to more than 150 laws. These amendments were not checked by the GNAT and they
were introduced without creating an effective remedy in respect of their consequences.
19
It is observed that the majority of measures taken through decree laws issued within two years are
those that go beyond the duration of state of emergency with respect to their consequences. Most of
these measures have had important implications on the shrinking of civic space in Turkey. Indeed,
Article 2 of decree law no. 667 set forth that more than 2,000 private institutions would be closed
permanently. Within the framework of this decree law 35 healthcare institutions, 934 schools, 109
student dormitories, 104 foundations, 1,125 associations, 15 universities, and 19 workers’ trade
unions were closed down for good. Further, under Article 2/2 of this decree law, all assets of such
legal personalities were transferred to the state permanently and without charge.
The number of closed-down associations amounted to 1,607 as of 31 December 2017 as per
decree laws 667, 677, 679, 689 and 695, while closure decisions were lifted for 183 associations upon
objection which makes the figure go down to 1,424. The Inquiry Commission the State of Emergency
Measures, too, announced that it delivered acceptance decisions for 61 closed-down associations,
foundations, dormitories, television channels and newspapers as of 31 December 2021.
20
Closure
decisions for foundations were rendered through emergency decree laws and by a commission set up
within the General Directorate of Foundations. 168 foundations were closed down by means of decree
laws nos. 667, 689 and 695 along with the commission at the general directorate. Closure decisions
were then revoked for 23 of the closed-down foundations. The number of closed-down foundations
was 145 as of 31 December 2017.
Among the associations closed down through various decree laws were law organizations that
carried out effective works in the field of human rights (Progressive Lawyers’ Association, Lawyers for
18
CCPR, General Comment No. 29. <https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/451555> para. 1.
19
For a full list of legislative regulations introduced through emergency decree laws, see Human
Rights Joint Platform’s “Updated Situation Report: State of Emergency in Turkey 21 July 2016-20
March 2018” <https://ihop.org.tr/en/2018/04/25/updated-situation-report-state-of-emergency-in-
turkey-21-july-2016-20-march-2018/> pp.49-53. And, the Confederation of Progressive Trade
Unions of Turkey (DİSK) offered a list of laws amended through decree laws in the appendix of its
report of 21 July 2018 entitled “OHAL’in İki Yılının ve Başkanlık Rejiminin Çalışma Hayatına
Etkileri: OHAL ve Başkanlık Emeğe Zararlıdır.” <http://arastirma.disk.org.tr/wp-
content/uploads/2020/08/OHAL-2-Yıl-ve-Başkanlık-Rejimi-Yeni-Rapor-TASLAK-SON.pdf>
20
The Inquiry Commission on the State of Emergency Measures, “Activity Report: 2021”,
<https://soe.tccb.gov.tr/Docs/SOE_Report_2021.pdf> p. 24.
18
Freedom Association, Association for Human Rights Research) as well as those working in the fields
of rights of women and children. For example, closed-down women’s associations included Adıyaman
Women’s Life Association, Anka Women’s Research Association, Bursa Panayır Women’s Solidarity
Association, Ceren Women’s Association, Rainbow Women’s Association, KJA, Muş Women’s Roof
Association, Selis Women’s Association, and Van Women’s Association.
Agenda: Child! Association that carried out effective works for the rights of the child was among the
closed-down associations. Diyarbakır-based Sarmaşık Association that undertook activities based on
the fact that poverty was an obstacle to the protection and exercise of human rights, Van Women’s
Association (VAKAD), and Muş Women’s Roof Association had also carried out activities for the rights
of the child.
Social Workers’ Association’s Diyarbakır branch carrying out activities with children who migrated
from Diyarbakır’s Sur district and Happy Children Association in Ankara were also among the closed-
down associations.
The distribution of closed-down associations as per cities as of 31 December 2017 [Source: HRJP]
A total of 200 media outlets were also closed down during the 18-month SoE. Closure decisions
were revoked only for 25 of them, which makes the figure 175 as of 31 December 2017. Closure
decisions were rendered for 67 newspapers through decree laws nos. 668, 675, 677, 693 and 695
during the SoE, while these decisions were revoked for 17 of them through decree laws nos. 675 and
679. 6 news agencies, 18 periodicals and 29 publishing houses were also closed down in this period.
Further, 37 television channels were closed down through decree laws nos. 668 and 677 and through
decisions rendered by the Supreme Board of Radio and Television during the SoE. Closure decisions
were revoked only 4 of these television channels through decree law no. 675 and decisions by the
supreme board. Closure decisions were still pending for 33 television channels as of 31 December
2017.
Articles 3 and 4 of decree law no. 667 prescribe dismissal of judges and other public officials
through decisions rendered by related judicial organs or administrative bodies. Thus, for example,
Article 23 of Decree Law No. 671 abolished the Telecom Presidency and transferred its functions to
the Information and Communication Technologies Authority. Article 25 of this Decree Law established
a new procedure for authorizing wiretapping of telecommunications and obtaining access to electronic
data archives. It thus amended the current Article 60 of the Electronic Communications Law.
19
Article 16 of decree law no. 674 amended Law No. 5275 on the Enforcement of Sentences and
Security Measures granting the Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office the power to restrict “temporary
leave” for prisoners from penal institutions. The article reads:
Article 16 The following sentence has been added to Article 92/1 on Law No. 5275 on the
Enforcement of Sentences and Security Measures dated 13/12/2004:
In the event that it is evaluated that prisoners incarcerated under offenses listed in Article
9/2 may endanger the order of the penitentiary institution and public security, that members
of terrorist organizations or other criminal organizations may provide opportunities for
activities and communication in accordance with the purposes of their respective
organizations and that there are security risks with regards to roads, penitentiary
institutions in which they are held, exam centers or schools, the Chief Public Prosecutor’s
Office shall be entitled to restrict their leave from such institutions.
Article 38 of this decree law, amending Law No. 5393 on Municipalities, put forth the procedure to
replace mayors who were removed from their offices for offenses of aiding and abetting terrorism.
Elected mayors were thus removed from office, a significant number of them were detained and
convicted. The administrative organs of municipalities of the Democratic Regions Party were
transferred to the local representatives of the central government.
Article 1 of decree law no. 676 introduced the rule that a maximum of three lawyers could be
present at court hearings held within the scope of prosecutions undertaken with regards to offenses
committed within the framework of organizational activity. Article 3, amending the provisions of the
Code of Criminal Procedure (CCP), prescribed that suspects taken into custody for such offenses
might not be allowed to confer with their defense attorneys for 24 hours. Article 6 amended the
provisions of Law No. 5275 and set forth the rules of restriction on conferences between detainees
and their lawyers.
The Venice Commission also criticized the issue of “trade union rights.” As is known, thousands of
wage-earners employed at closed-down institutions were not public officials and were employed as
workers entirely within the framework of private law. The termination of the receivables of these
workers under private law through a decree law goes well beyond the objective of the declaration of
the SoE and introduces a permanent amendment to labor law. Such changes cannot be done through
emergency decree laws. Fees and other workers’ receivables are incumbent on the employer both
under the Law of Obligations and Labor Law.
The state, which confiscated these institutions, cannot victimize workers employed at these
institutions. Upon the closure of these institutions, fees and severance pay receivables should be paid
to the workers. Workers cannot be held responsible and punished for offenses that might have been
committed by the owners of the closed-down institutions. Yet, the trial and punishment of workers
employed at these institutions for offenses they might have committed, if any, is another issue. Fees
and other receivables fall entirely under private law. Moreover, workers’ fees and similar receivables
cannot be terminated for offenses committed somewhere else than their workplaces. Workers
employed at closed-down institutions cannot be deprived of severance pay unless their employment
contracts are rightfully dissolved. Even in the event of rightful dissolution, workers’ fee receivables, if
20
any, have to paid. The contrary would mean forced labor and under the ECHR forced labor is
prohibited even under states of emergency.
21
4,770 members of trade unions affiliated with the Confederation of Public Employees’ Trade
Unions (KESK) were dismissed from their posts having their right to work violated. 4,283 of these
public employees were dismissed through emergency decree laws, while 487 were dismissed through
decisions rendered by the higher disciplinary boards at their respective institutions. While 358
individuals were reinstated through decisions by the Inquiry Commission on the State of Emergency
Measures as of December 2019, the commission rejected applications by 1,023 and inquiries were
pending for about 2,900 of KESK members.
The permanent closure of trade unions is both against the Constitution and the ICCPR as well as
the Revised European Social Charter and ILO conventions (No. 111 Discrimination -Employment and
Occupation).
The most concrete example of this proves to be dismissals by means of provisional Article 35 of
decree law no. 375 that provides for the continuation of dismissals. A total of 18 trade union members
-including 10 from SES, 4 from Eğitim-Sen, 3 from Haber-Sen and 1 from BES- have been dismissed
in this manner through decisions rendered by commissions set up at their respective ministries and
upon the consent of the related ministry. The common point of these individuals was that they were
either trade union executives or active members of their unions or took part in protests and activities
organized by their unions.
SES (Health and Social Services Workers’ Trade Union) was, too, subjected to repressive policies
faced by trade unions affiliated with KESK during the SoE. Because a large number of members of
trade unions affiliated with KESK were dismissed during the SoE, these dismissals led to resignations
from trade unions. It should be noted that SES lost blood in terms of its number of members. While
the number of SES members was 39,207 as of May 2016, this figure went down to 20,304 in May
2019. 796 SES members were also dismissed from their public posts during this period. While 162 of
these individuals were reinstated as of February 2020, applications by 92 were rejected. Inquiries are
pending for other dismissed members.
22
According to a report on union rights violations drafted by KESK and announced on 26 December
2019, 4,283 public employees were dismissed from their posts through emergency decree laws during
the SoE, while 487 public employees were dismissed by decisions rendered by higher disciplinary
boards at their respective institutions.
23
Although KESK and its affiliated trade unions have been
active since 1989 and had to relation to FETÖ/PDY, charged with the coup attempt, authorities took
advantage of the failed coup attempt and dismissed at least 4,770 members of trade unions affiliated
with KESK with no legal guarantees granted. Even this state of affairs on its own actually reveals the
fact that the current constitutional and legal guarantees in Turkey were suspended during the SoE and
the practice was changed in its entirety.
21
Aziz Çelik. “OHAL ve Sendikal Haklar.” BirGün. 29.07.2016. <https://www.birgun.net/haber/ohal-
ve-sendikal-haklar-122037>
22
Two reports on trade union rights and violations faced by union members can be consulted:
Confederation of Public Employees’ Trade Unions [KESK]. “15 Temmuz Darbe Girişimi Sonra
Sivil Darbe Sürecinde Yaşanan Hak İhlalleri.” 19 January 2018. <http://www.kesk.org.tr/wp-
content/uploads/2018/01/19_01_2018-rapor.pdf>
Confederation of Progressive Workers’ Unions [DİSK]. “OHAL’in İki Yılının ve Başkanlık Rejiminin
Çalışma Hayatına Etkileri: OHAL ve Başkanlık Emeğe Zararlıdır.” 21 July 2018.
<http://arastirma.disk.org.tr/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/OHAL-2-Y%C4%B1l-ve-
Ba%C5%9Fkanl%C4%B1k-Rejimi-Yeni-Rapor-TASLAK-SON.pdf>
23
https://kesk.org.tr/2019/12/26/sendikal-hak-ihlalleri-raporumuzu-acikladik/
21
The Global Rights Index 2020 issued by the International Trade Unions’ Confederation (ITUC)
listed Turkey among the 10 worst countries in the world for working people among 144 countries.
24
This report, too, revealed the serious setback in freedom of association, a part of trade union rights, in
Turkey.
The problem of substitution of criminal laws in Turkey has deteriorated particularly in the aftermath
of the declaration of SoE. Council of Europe Venice Commission’s “Opinion on the Measures
Provided in the Recent Emergency Decree Laws with respect to Freedom of the Media” (No.
872/2016) dated 13 March 2017 is quite important in that the opinion indicated that the fact that public
prosecutors charged journalists, rights defenders, trade unionists and activists under Article 314 or
220 of the TPC and Article 7 of the ATC on the grounds of the statements they made, demonstrations
they took part in and the articles they wrote was unlawful with no legality of offense sought and
ultimately led to very serious rights violations.
25
Such state of affairs is often observed in trade union
protests and activities as well.
The July 2020 report “A Perpetual Emergency: Attacks on Freedom of Assembly in Turkey and
Repercussions for Civil Society”
26
and the May 2021 report “Turkey’s Civil Society on the Line: A
Shrinking Space for Freedom of Association,”
27
both drafted by drafted by the Human Rights
Association (İHD) and the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders (OBS), revealed
that legislative regulations introduced during and after the SoE led to the shrinking of civic space,
perpetual attempts at intimidation repressed civil society actors while this state of affairs resulted in a
climate of fear.
Saturday Mothers’ 700
th
peaceful vigil, which has been held since 1995 in İstanbul’s Galatasaray
Square asking for the fates of their loved ones who had been subjected to enforced disappearances in
the 1980s and 1990s, was also banned by the Beyoğlu District Governor’s Office in line with the
state’s attempts to shrink the civic space. Since then, Saturday Mothers are not allowed to hold their
weekly sit-ins in Galatasaray Square that they had been doing so for decades without any problems
and they are only allowed to do so in a small street before İHD’s İstanbul branch.
24
https://www.ituc-csi.org/ituc-global-rights-index-2020?lang=en
25
https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL-AD(2017)007-e
26
https://ihd.org.tr/en/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/20200728_FIDH-OMCTIHD_TurkeyReport.pdf
27
https://ihd.org.tr/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/OBS-İHD-TURKEY.pdf
22
Emergency Decree Laws and Repression of the Human
Rights Field
The principle of rule of law, right to a fair trial, right to property, ILO Termination of Employment
Convention (C 158), ban on discrimination in employment and occupation (ILO C 111), right to work,
right to education, freedom of association, freedom of movement, presumption of innocence, judicial
guarantees, academic freedom, right to liberty and security of person, right to defense, right to legal
counsel can be listed among the violated human rights within the scope of this study.
Emergency decree laws issued during the 2016-2018 SoE violated Articles 10, 11, 20, 23, 24, 25,
34, 35, 36, 40, 49, 50, 51, 53, 121, 125, 129, 130 of the Constitution; Articles 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 13, 14
of the ECHR; ILO Conventions Nos. 111 and 158; Article 7 of the UN International Covenant on
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights as well as the Committee’s General Comment No. 18.
According to data collected by İHD, the balance sheet of SoE conditions, which started on 21 July
2016 and ended on 18 July 2018, is as follows:
Period of custody was extended to 30 days through decree law no. 667 that went into
effect on 23 July 2016; conferences with lawyers were banned for the first 5 days of
custody through decree law no. 668 that went into effect on 27 July. This practice was
maintained nonstop for 6 months.
Period of custody was cut back down to 14 days from the previous 30 through decree law
no. 682 that went into effect on 23 January 2017 while the ban on conferences with
lawyers was also cut back down to 1 day.
135,147 public employees were dismissed from public service through decree laws during
the SoE.
Works permits of 22,474 people, who had been working at closed-down private institutions
and most of who were teachers, were revoked.
A total of 4,395 judges and prosecutors were dismissed through mostly by decisions
rendered by the Board of Judges and Prosecutors, Constitutional Court rulings, and
through Supreme Military Council decisions for military judges and prosecutors.
48 healthcare institutions were closed down.
2,281 private educational institutions (schools, educational centers, boarding houses,
dormitories, etc.)
15 private universities were closed down, while a total of 3,041 of their tenured personnel
became unemployed.
Activities of 19 trade unions and confederations were terminated.
23
985 companies were confiscated and had trustees appointed during the SoE. 49,587
workers had been working at these companies.
201 media outlets were closed down during the SoE.
The report “A Perpetual Emergency: Attacks on Freedom of Assembly in Turkey and
Repercussions for Civil Society,” drafted by the Human Rights Association (İHD) and the Observatory
for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders (OBS), demonstrated the fact that all rights defenders,
particularly human rights defenders working in the Southeast, LGBTI+ rights defenders and women’s
rights defenders, faced gross repression; their activities were surveilled by the police everywhere;
almost none of their outdoor activities was allowed during the SoE. It was also observed that human
rights defenders were subjected to criminal investigations and prosecution due to virtually all their
activities in the public space.
Numerous journalists were detained during the SoE. When the SoE was lifted there were 172
journalists in prison. 1,607 associations and 168 foundations were also closed down during the SoE.
According to the official figures released by the Ministry of Justice, court cases had been brought
against 4,187 persons for insulting the president (TPC Art. 299) in 2016 while this figure went up to
6,033 persons in 2017. While 482 court cases were brought under TPC Article 301 that regulates
insulting Turkishness in 2016, this figure went up to 753 in 2017. Further, 17,322 persons faced
prosecution for allegedly making propaganda for an illegal organization in 2016 and this figure too
went up to 24,585 in 2017.
Although the SoE was lifted as of 18 July 2018, it was rendered permanent with all its
consequences when the 25-article Law No. 7145 on Amendments to Some Laws and Decree Laws,
which prescribed that important practices implemented during the SoE would stay in effect for at least
three more years, was ratified by the GNAT on 25 July 2018. Law No. 7145 that went into effect on 31
July 2018 upon the ratification of the president also attempted to fill in some gaps in which SoE
decree laws that rendered extraordinary practices of the regime proved insufficient to fill. The grounds
for the law indicated that these amendments were necessary as the 2-year-long SoE would not be
extended anymore and the following additional regulations were introduced:
Custody periods could be extended to a total of 12 days through 4-day extensions by a judge’s
ruling was regulated. The Constitution was clearly violated in this way since the period of custody can
only be extended to a maximum of 4 days even for collective offenses upon the request of the public
prosecutor and the ruling of the judge under Article 19 of the Constitution. Article 19 of the
Constitution prescribes that custody periods may be extended during a state of emergency or in time
of war. This amendment, thus, signifies that the SoE was de facto sustained.
Not only governors were granted the power to prohibit the entry and exit of specific persons into
and from specific places in a city for 15 days, they were also given the authority to declare curfews
and ban vehicles to go out in traffic at certain places and times without a time limit. It is without doubt
that personal liberty and security enshrined in Article 19 of the Constitution as well as the rights to
freedom of residence and movement enshrined in Article 23 of the Constitution are violated through
the use these powers. Alongside with these rights, many related rights would also be violated upon
the use of these powers.
Further, measures and practices that would lead to the violation of Article 34 of the Constitution
that designates the right to freedom of assembly was paved for by granting governors such new
powers as imposing restrictions and early dispersal of meetings and demonstrations.
24
The law designated that dismissal of persons from public office would continue by way of
commissions to be established at every public institution and body upon the consent of the related
minister. This was an attempt to maintain the SoE order in just the same way as emergency decree
laws by introducing such a concept as persons in “junction” with terrorist organizations and structures
and formations posing a threat to national security. It also set forth that passport cancellations of those
who had been and would be dismissed would continue. As for dismissed academics, it was regulated
that they would not be reinstated to their former universities even if a reinstatement decision was
rendered for them.
Numerous regulations that terminated procedural guarantees and the right to a fair trial were also
put in place, for instance, it was regulated that when the need to retake a person’s statement about
the same incident arose this procedure could be undertaken by the law enforcement upon a written
order by a public prosecutor and decisions on objections to detention and requests for release could
be rendered over the file.
Permanent SoE Law No. 7145 violated numerous rights. These include: 1. The right to liberty and
security of person, 2. Freedom of residence and movement, 3. Presumption of innocence, 4. Right to
a fair trial, 5. Principle of equality and prohibition of discrimination, 6. Freedom of thought and opinion,
7. Freedom of expression, 8. Freedom of association, 9. Respect for the privacy of private and family
life, 10. Academic freedom, 11. Right to work. The SoE was rendered permanent by means of the
above-mentioned and similar other articles that restricted rights and freedoms while expanding the
authority of the political power with no limits.
The number of unlawful arrests and detentions as well as imprisonment convictions rendered for
human rights defenders in finalized cases that utterly violated the right to a fair trial, which were all at
play even before the SoE, has also been on the rise.
So much so that UN Human Right Experts (Mr. David Kaye, Special Rapporteur on the promotion
and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression; Ms. Fionnuala D. Ní Aoláin, Special
Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights while countering terrorism; Ms. Urmila
Bhoola, Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of slavery, including its causes and
consequences; Ms. Agnes Callamard, Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary
executions; Mr. Michel Forst, Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders; Mr.
Diego García-Sayán, Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers; Mr. José
Antonio Guevara Bermúdez, Chair-Rapporteur of the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention; Mr. Léo
Heller, Special Rapporteur on the human rights to safe drinking water and sanitation; Mr. Nils Melzer,
Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment; Mr.
Ahmed Shaheed, Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief; and Mr. Alfred de Zayas,
Independent Expert on the promotion of a democratic and equitable international order) urged Turkey
not to extend state of emergency on 17 January 2018 and stated:
28
We remain concerned, as we have since the attempted coup, that the Government is
taking steps at odds with its obligations under human rights law. We are deeply worried
about severe crackdowns on civil society, including journalists, the media, human rights
defenders, jurists, academics, and civil servants, as well as the use of various powers in
ways that are inconsistent with its obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights and the European Convention on Human Rights.
28
<https://www.ohchr.org/FR/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=22592&LangID=E
25
As was also indicated in the Amnesty International report “Weathering the Storm: Defending
Human Rights in Turkey’s Climate of Fear” of 26 April 2018, The human rights landscape during the
21 months of the state of emergency in Turkey is a desolate one characterized by mass detentions,
prosecutions, intimidation and the silencing of independent civil society. Those who continue to speak
out and stand up for human rights are paying a heavy price. By shutting down dissent and targeting
civil society in the ways described here, Turkey is flouting its obligations under international human
rights law.”
29
When one studies the “Updated Situation Report on the State of Emergency in Turkey: 21 July
2016-20 March 2018” drafted by the Human Rights Joint Platform (HRJP), of which İHD is a member,
it would be easy to understand that the SoE regime in Turkey has become a permanent regime and
this regime has been punitive by restricting fundamental rights and freedoms.
30
Particularly SoE
regimes repression of human rights defenders can readily be seen with the closed-down rights and
law organizations.
Further, İHD’s 2017 Human Rights Violations in Turkey report revealed that the year 2017 had
passed under total SoE, Turkey’s human rights axis had shifted, and Turkey opted for a regime
change based on single-person government.
31
It was understood that, under such circumstances,
groups engaged in a struggle for rights and justice, most notably human rights defenders, faced
severe repression. When one also studies İHD’s various special reports, it can be seen that
repression of certain societal groups has been maintained.
Arrests and detentions of HDP co-chairpersons and members of the parliament in November 2016,
detention of 16 lawyers from the Progressive Lawyers’ Association (Çağdaş Hukukçular Derneği -
ÇHD) including its chair, arrest and detention of businessperson Osman Kavala, arrests of academics
İştar Gözaydın and Turgut Tarhanlı, arrest of İHD’s co-chairperson Öztürk Türkdoğan, about 25
allegations of enforced disappearance in custody and the fact that the fates of two of them are not
known yet were striking developments. Further, sit-ins staged before the Galatasaray High School in
İstanbul and at the Human Rights Park in Diyarbakır demanding the authorities to find those subjected
to enforced disappearances were banned in the aftermath of the failed coup attempt of 15 July 2016.
Criminal investigations under Article 301 of the TPC and Article 7 of the ATC were initiated into
İHD’s Co-Chair Öztürk Türkdoğan and the association’s executive board members upon audit reports
and complaints of the General Staff based on motions and decisions rendered by the executive board
for the recognition of genocides at İHD’s 2014 and 2016 general assemblies as well as the Cizre
Report of March 2016 .
32
İHD İstanbul Branch’s Commission against Racism and Discrimination held a banner on 24 April
2018 in İstanbul’s Sultanahmet Square which read: “Armenian Genocide: Recognize, Apologize,
Compensate” and when the law enforcement stated that press conferences were banned through a
decision rendered by the governor’s office, the 30-strong group dispersed without being able to hold a
press conference while three people gave their statements to the security department. İstanbul Public
Prosecutor’s Office started an investigation into three members of the commission, namely Gamze
Özdemir, Jiyan Tosun and Leman Yurtsever; then delivered a “non-prosecution decision” on 4 May
29
<https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/EUR4482002018ENGLISH.pdf> p.
19.
30
<http://www.ihop.org.tr/2018/04/25/updated-situation-report-state-of-emergency-in-turkey-21-
july-2016-20-march-2018/>
31
https://ihd.org.tr/en/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/IHD_2017_report-2.pdf
32
For further information see: https://ihd.org.tr/en/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/sr20200707_IHD-
HRD-Repression-Report-2020.pdf
26
2018. The decision stated: “A non-prosecution decision was delivered since the ECtHR held that
freedom of expression not only applies to information or ideas deemed favorable or inoffensive but
also to offensive, shocking or disturbing information and ideas deemed as such by the state or a part
of the population; although the statements on the banner qualified as one that cannot be accepted
and are disturbing, different interpretations of issues that essentially fall under the expertise of
historians do not generally and entirely constitute the offense prescribed under Article 301 of the
TPC.
A total of 93 İHD executives and members were dismissed from public office through decree laws
during the SoE. These persons include the then secretary-general of İHD, Osman İşçi and central
executive committee member Adnan Vural. Hundreds of court cases have been brought against the
executives of both İHD’s central office and branches.
33
Along with these developments, it was
witnessed that numerous individuals and organizations working in the field of human rights, those
contributing to the struggle for human rights and democracy in Turkey faced judicial harassment. We
would like to refer to some outstanding cases in order to demonstrate how common harassment and
repression are.
Cases against Emire Eren Keskin
Human rights lawyer and Co-Chairperson of İHD, Eren Keskin, has been facing judicial
harassment for years. Eren Keskin, an honorary member of the Paris Bar Association, has received
many international awards for her efforts for peace and human rights including the 2018 Helsinki Civil
Society Award and she was a finalist for the 2018 Martin Ennals Award for human rights defenders.
On 14 February 2020, Necmiye Alpay and Bilge Aykut were acquitted of all charges against them;
author Aslı Erdoğan was acquitted of charges of “disrupting the unity and integrity of the state and
membership in an (illegal) organization” while a discontinuance of action decision was delivered as
the four-month statute of limitations was surpassed as per the Press Law for charges of making
propaganda for a terrorist organization in the final hearing of the main case against the Özgür
Gündem daily, which was closed down through an emergency decree law. The court ruled for the
separation of the files of Filiz Koçali and Ragıp Zarakolu, for whom there were pending arrest warrants
and who had not given their statements yet; while a separation of files decision was also rendered for
Zana Kaya, İnan Kızılkaya, Kemal Sancılı and Eren Keskin as they were granted an extension for
their defense.
On 15 February 2021, however, Eren Keskin, İnan Kızılkaya and Kemal Sancılı were sentenced to
6 years and 3 months imprisonment for “membership in an illegal armed terrorist organization” while
Zana Bilir Kaya was sentenced to 2 years and 1 month imprisonment for “making propaganda for the
terrorist organization PKK/KCK.”
Eren Keskin carried the title of editor-in-chief of the daily Özgür Gündem between 2013 and 2016
and also took part in the “editor-in-chief on call” campaign between May and August 2016 that was
launched to support the jailed staff of the daily. Daily Özgür Gündem was closed down on 29 October
2016 through decree law no. 675 for allegedly “making propaganda for a terrorist organization.”
33
For detailed information on repressive policies against the İHD during this term, see:
https://ihd.org.tr/en/report-on-increased-pressures-on-human-rights-defenders-human-rights-
association-and-its-executives/
27
About a total of 150 court cases, some of which were later merged, were brought against Eren
Keskin because of her symbolic title as editor-in-chief. As of 2021, Atty. Keskin was sentenced to a
total of 24 years imprisonment and 400,000 TRY in fines (about 60,000 euros). Atty. Keskin started
paying the fines through national and international solidarity because the appellate remedies were
exhausted for about 300,000 TRY (about 45,000 euros) of the sum in question. The files about
imprisonment sentences against her and the remaining fines are pending under review before the
Appeals Court and the Court of Cassation.
Cases against Murat Çelikkan and Editors-in-chief on Call
Human rights defender and journalist Murat Çelikkan had been sentenced to 18 months
imprisonment on 16 May 2017 having been charged with “making propaganda for a terrorist
organization” under the Anti-Terrorism Code (ATC) on the grounds that he took part in the “Özgür
Gündem Editor-in-chief On Call” campaign and served as the editor-in-chief for merely a day along
with some news reports published by the daily on that day. Imprisonment sentence for Murat Çelikkan
was appealed on 6 June 2017 before the İstanbul Regional Court of Justice while the court rejected
the appeals application on 20 June 2017. Upon this decision Murat Çelikkan turned himself in to
Kırklareli E-type Closed Prison on 14 August 2017 and was conditionally released on 21 October
2017 under Article 105/A of Law on the Enforcement of Sentences for supervised release.
Özgür Gündem, one of the most important publications of the Kurdish press, faced numerous
investigations, lawsuits and censorship during the conflict that broke out again on 24 July 2015 in the
aftermath of the resolution process that began in 2013 and ended in 2015.
The campaign “editor-in-chief on call” was launched on 3 May 2016 on World Press Freedom Day
against such policy of repression. The daily’s coordinator-in-chief, Ahmet Birsin, stated at a press
conference held at the kickstart of the campaign that 80 court cases had been brought against Özgür
Gündem since July 2015. According to information provided by Mr. Birsin, 51 out of 99 criminal
investigations launched into the daily under the ATC and 29 out of 47 criminal investigations under
Article 301 initiated by the public prosecutor’s office for the press were turned into court cases.
Three editors-in-chief on call of the daily Erol Önderoğlu, Ahmet Nesin and Şebnem Korur Fincan
were detained on 20 June 2016 and were imprisoned for 10 days.
49 out of 100 persons who took part in the campaign for solidarity that ended on 7 August 2016
faced investigations. 11 of these investigations ended in non-prosecution decisions, while 38 went to
court. The trials of 38 editors-in-chief were held under Article 7/2 of the ATC (making propaganda for a
terrorist organization) and Article 6 of the ATC (publishing declarations or statements of terrorist
organizations).
The cases of Hüseyin Aykol, former editor-in-chief of the daily who also served during the
campaign, and daily’s columnists Mehmet Ali Çelebi and Hüseyin Bektaş were merged with those of
Ayşe Düzkan and Ragıp Duran.
Further, court cases were brought during this process against Ömer Ağın on the grounds of an
article that was published when Celal Başlangıç was the editor; against İmam Canpolat on the
28
grounds of an article that was published when Cengiz Baysoy was the editor, and against İlham Bakır
on the grounds of an article that was published when Jülide Kural was the editor.
To date, 18 persons were fined 62,000 TRY and sentenced to 220 months and 15 days
imprisonment within the scope of court cases brought against on call editors-in-chief. The 18-month
imprisonment sentence handed down to Murat Çelikkan for acting as on call editor-in-chief and 15-
month imprisonment sentence delivered for İmam Canpolat for his published article were not deferred.
Courts delivered suspension of the pronouncement of the judgment for all other sentences.
The Büyükada Trial
10 human rights defenders, who took part in a workshop on the security of human rights defenders
in İstanbul, Büyükada on 5 July 2017, were taken into custody on allegations of “committing an
offense on behalf of an organization as a non-member” (TPC Art. 220/6) and “membership in an
armed terrorist organization” (TPC Art. 314/2 and 314/3):
Human Rights Defenders Taken into Custody and Prosecuted
Amnesty International Turkey Director İdil Eser, Özlem Dalkıran and Nalan Erkem of
Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly, Günal Kurşun and Veli Acu of Human Rights Agenda
Association, İlknur Üstün of Women’s Coalition, Nejat Taştan of Association for Monitoring
for Equal Rights, Şeyhmus Özbekli of Rights Initiative, and information security experts Ali
Garawi (Swiss national) and Peter Steudtner (German national).
Human rights defenders who were taken into custody were not allowed to confer with their lawyers
for more than 28 hours in violation of the legal regulation that limited such period with 24 hours. The
authorities did not disclose where they were being held until 6 July 2017 around 15:00. It was then
revealed that İdil Eser and İlknur Üstün were being held in a police station in Maltepe, while two
foreign nationals in Büyükada and the others in three different places in İstanbul’s nearby
neighborhoods. In the meantime human rights defenders’ residences were also raided by the police.
It turned out that the arrest warrants for the rights defenders were issued exactly five hours after
they were taken into custody. The seven-day custody decision rendered for them was then extended
to 14 days.
The rights defenders appeared before a court on 12 July 2017. The court ruled for the detention of
İdil Eser, Özlem Dalkıran, Günal Kurşun, Veli Acu, Ali Garawi ve Peter Steudtner while releasing
İlknur Üstün, Nalan Erkem, Nejat Taştan and Şeyhmus Özbekli under judicial control. Upon the
objection of the public prosecutor’s office arrest warrants were issued for the released four human
rights defenders on 21 July 2017. İlknur Üstün and Nalan Erkem were taken into custody again and
detained on 23 July 2017; Nejat Taştan and Şeyhmus Özbekli were released under judicial control.
The indictment about the 10 rights defenders was submitted in October 2017. Amnesty
International Turkey Director lawyer Taner Kılıç, who was detained in June 2017, was added to the
indictment as a “suspect.” The rights defenders were charged with “committing an offense on behalf of
an organization as a non-member” and “membership in an armed terrorist organization” while Mr. Kılıç
was charged with “membership in a terrorist organization.” It was stated that the case against Mr.
29
Kılıç under the charge of “financing terrorism and espionage” was pending before İzmir 16
th
Heavy
Penal Court. The organizations that the rights defenders were allegedly members of were listed as
“FETÖ/PDY, PKK/KCK and DHKP/C” in the indictment.
The trial commenced on 25 October 2017 before İstanbul 35
th
Heavy Penal Court. At the hearing
“defendants” other than Taner Kılıç were released. Taner Kılıç was released on 15 August 2018
following the monthly review of the file.
On 3 July 2020, in the final hearing of the trial, Taner Kılıç was sentenced to 6 years and 3 months
imprisonment for “membership in an armed terrorist organization,” Günal Kurşun, İdil Eser and Özlem
Dalkıran were sentenced to 1 year 13 months imprisonment for “aiding an organization.” Other
defendants, Nalan Erkem, İlknur Üstün, Ali Gharavi, Peter Steudtner, Veli Acu, Nejat Taştan and
Şeyhmus Özbekli were acquitted.
The Büyükada Trial is pending before the Court of Cassation’s 3
rd
Criminal Circuit.
Charges against Academics for Peace
Academics for Peace released their declaration “We will not be a party to this crime!” on 11
January 2016 criticizing the curfews in Sur, Silvan, Nusaybin, Cizre and Silopi and the subsequent
destruction of residential areas with heavy weaponry. Following President Erdoğan’s statements
targeting the academics, firstly academics from Kocaeli University were taken into custody.
In the meantime, Diyarbakır Bar Association, İHD, Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (HRFT),
Association of Lawyers for Freedom (ÖHD) and other human rights organizations had started
reporting human rights violations committed in operations in Cizre. Rights and freedoms were further
restricted in the aftermath of the SoE declared after the coup attempt of 15 July 2016. At least 6,081
academics were dismissed from their posts at 117 universities, including 406 signatories of the
Academics for Peace declaration, between the declaration of SoE and July 2018. Moreover, about
150 signatories of the declaration were forced either to resign or early retirement, or laid off.
34
Court cases brought against the Academics for Peace because of the declaration under “making
propaganda for a terrorist organization” were pending in 2018 and 2019. A total of 822 academics,
including 763 first signatories and 59 second signatories, stood trial. Among 204 academics who were
sentenced 164 were handed down suspension of the pronouncement of the judgment rulings, 4
received deferral while 36 were convicted.
35
Nevertheless the Constitutional Court ruled on the application lodged by 10 convicted academics
on 26 July 2019. The Constitutional Court held that there was a “violation of freedom of expression”
and ruled for payment of 9,000 TRY in damages to each applicant and for retrial. Following the
34
For a comprehensive study of the situation of academics working in the field of human rights
during the SoE, see the 2019 report “Being a Human Rights Academic during the State of
Emergency.” <https://insanhaklariokulu.org/being-a-human-rights-academic-during-the-state-of-
emergency/>
“A Report on Academic Freedoms in Turkey in the Period of the State of Emergency” by İnan
Özdemir Taştan and Aydın Ördek also offers important data to understand the challenges faced by
academics: <https://insanhaklariokulu.org/a-report-on-academic-freedoms-in-turkey-in-the-period-
of-the-state-of-emergency/>
35
https://barisicinakademisyenler.net/English
30
landmark ruling by the Constitutional Court, local courts started delivering acquittal rulings but the
Inquiry Commission on the SoE Measures did not deliver any decisions.
The commission announced its first decision about the signatory academics in October 2021. In
spite of the judgment of the Constitutional Court and acquittal rulings by other courts, the commission
rejected applications by academics. The commission rejected 365
36
applications by academics at the
time of the writing of this report.
Şebnem Korur Fincancı
The trial of Prof. Dr. Şebnem Korur Fincancı, İHD member and the then president of the HRFT,
due to her signing of the declaration “We will not be a party to this crime!” witnessed different
developments than others. Professor Fincancı authored a report on the civilian deaths during the
curfews in Cizre and the report was addressed in both the trial and the subsequent judgment.
Democratic mass organizations had published a joint report on the incidents during the curfews in
Cizre. The reports had provided information on civilian losses of life.
As the President of the HRFT and a forensic medicine expert, Professor Fincancı authored the
“Cizre Visit: A Preliminary Report” dated 5 March 2016. The report indicated that “Unidentified deaths,
including in the first basement where a mandibular bone of a child was found, should be unearthed
through a comprehensive study as the initial inquiry was carried out with limited means since the
objective was a first visit and an overall assessment with no material to conduct the necessary and
sufficient inquiry and documentation.”
Professor Fincancı’s interviews with the dailies Özgür Gündem and Evrensel as well as the Cizre
report were added to her file as evidence within the scope of which she was standing trial before
İstanbul 37
th
Heavy Penal Court because of the declaration “We will not be a party to this crime!” The
court sentenced her to 2 years and 6 months imprisonment holding the report as evidence of “crime of
expressing an opinion” instead of evaluating the report as a criminal complaint for violations of the
right to life. The ruling read:
When the form and characteristics of the crime committed by the defendant in line with the
act of impugned “offense of making propaganda for a terrorist organization,” statements
used by her in interviews immediately before and after the date of the crime, her
characterization of the activities of the Turkish Armed Forces conducted absolutely with an
objective for defense and security in the region as atrocity, attempt at genocide, war crime
and total assault on the Kurdish people, her praise of digging ditches by the PKK/KCK
armed terrorist organization in the region, and her support for self-governance that
coincided with the content of the declaration in question are all evaluated as a whole; the
court rules that the defendant be sentenced to 1 year 8 months imprisonment by applying
an increase separating the sentence’s legal minimum limit using its judicial discretion and
to further increase the sentence by half to 1 year 18 months because the declaration in
question was announced to the public by means of the press and media considering the
defendant’s purpose and aim, the intensity of the defendant’s intention, her will to support
36
https://barisicinakademisyenler.net/node/314
31
and accept the declaration following its release, the significance and value of the subject of
the crime and the dimension of the threat posed.
Turkish Medical Association Central Council
Turkish Medical Association’s (TMA) Central Council released a statement entitled “War is a public
health problem” in January 2018 following the launch of the “Afrin Operation.” Upon the release of the
statement TMA Central Council Chairperson Raşit Tükel, Secretary-General Sezai Berber, council
members Hande Arpat, Selma Güngör, Funda Obuz, Taner Gören, Yaşar Ulutaş, Bülent Nazım
Yılmaz, Sinan Adıyaman, Ayfer Horasan and Şeyhmus Gökalp were taken into custody on 30 January
2018.
Sinan Adıyaman, Ayfer Horasan and Şeyhmus Gökalp were released under judicial control on 2
February 2018 while Raşit Tükel, Sezai Berber, Hande Arpat, Selma Güngör, Funda Obuz, Taner
Gören, Yaşar Ulutaş and Bülent Nazım Yılmaz were released under judicial control on 5 February
2018.
The indictment drafted by Ankara Public Prosecutor’s Office charged TMA executives for “making
propaganda for a terrorist organization” on the grounds of the statement as well as another released
on 1 September 2016 on the occasion of World Peace Day.
The trial against the TMA executives was finalized on 3 May 2019. Ankara 32
nd
Heavy Penal Court
sentenced the physicians to 1 year 8 months imprisonment for committing the crime of “inciting the
public to hatred and enmity” twice. The court further sentenced Hande Arpat to 1 year 6 months and
22 days imprisonment for allegedly “making propaganda for a terrorist organization in her social media
posts.” Şeyhmus Gökalp, on the other hand, was acquitted of the charges filed because of his social
media posts. His trial is pending before the appeals court.
Ömer Faruk Gergerlioğlu
Mazlum-Der’s former chairperson, Dr. Ömer Faruk Gergerlioğlu, who was suspended from his post
at İzmit SEKA State Hospital on the grounds of a photograph he had shared on social media, was
dismissed from his post through decree law no. 679 on 6 January 2017.
A lawsuit was then brought against Dr. Gergerlioğlu on the grounds of a social media post under
Article 7/2 of the ATC for “making propaganda for the terrorist organization PKK/KCK.” The trial was
finalized on 21 February 2018 and Kocaeli 2
nd
Heavy Penal Court sentenced him to 2 years and 6
months imprisonment. When the Court of Cassation’s 16
th
Penal Department upheld the imprisonment
sentence handed down to Dr. Gergerlioğlu, who had been elected as a member of the parliament
from HDP, his file was sent to the GNAT and his membership in the parliament was terminated. Dr.
Gergerlioğlu was detained on 2 April 2021.
The Constitutional Court ruled on Dr. Gergerlioğlu’s individual application on 1 July 2021. The
Constitutional Court held that Dr. Gergerlioğlu’s “right to political participation” and “right to liberty and
32
security of person” were violated. Following the judgment, Dr. Gergerlioğlu was released on 6 July
2021 and he was reinstated as a member of the parliament as well.
ÇHD Lawyers
Lawyers from the Progressive Lawyers’ Association (Çağdaş Hukukçular Derneği -ÇHD), which
was closed down through decree law no. 667, and from People’s Law Office (Halkın Hukuk Bürosu)
were taken into custody on 12 September 2017 and subsequently detained on 20 September 2017.
The indictment drafted by İstanbul Public Prosecutor’s Office charged 20 lawyers, including 17
imprisoned lawyers (Ahmet Mandacı, Aycan Çiçek, Ayşegül Çağatay, Aytaç Ünsal, Barkın Timtik,
Behiç Aşçı, Didem Baydar Ünsal, Ebru Timtik, Engin Gökoğlu, Naciye Demir, Özgür Yılmaz, Selçuk
Kozağaçlı, Süleyman Gökten, Şükriye Erden, Yağmur Ererken, Yaprak Türkmen, Zehra Özdemir) as
well as lawyer Ezgi Çakır and two others (Oya Aslan, Günay Dağ), for whom there were arrest
warrants, with “leading an illegal organization and “membership in an illegal organization.”
İstanbul 37
th
Heavy Penal Court ruled for the release of 17 lawyers under judicial control on 14
September 2018. Upon the objection of the public prosecutor’s office, however, the court issued arrest
warrants for Aytaç Ünsal, Aycan Çiçek, Engin Gökoğlu, Behiç Aşçı, Ahmet Mandacı, Barkın Timtik,
Ebru Timtik, Naciye Demir, Özgür Yılmaz, Selçuk Kozağaçlı, Süleyman Gökten and Şükriye Erden on
15 September, while rejecting the objection for Ayşegül Çağatay, Yağmur Ereren Evin, Didem Baydar
Ünsal, Yaprak Türkmen and Zehra Özdemir.
Article 1 of emergency decree law no. 676 introduced an amendment to Article 149/2 of the CCP
prescribing that “A maximum of three lawyers shall be present in prosecutions and hearings held
regarding offences committed within the framework of organizational activity.” Thus, the rule that
provided for the presence of three lawyers only at the time of statement taking during the investigation
stage was expanded and defendants’ right to effective defense and right to a fair trial at court were
restricted.
The final hearing of the trial was held on 20 March 2019. The court sentenced Barkın Timtik to 18
years and 9 months imprisonment for “establishing and leading an (illegal) organization,” Özgür
Yılmaz and Ebru Timtik to 13 years and 6 months imprisonment for “membership in an illegal
organization,” Behiç Aşçı and Şükriye Erden to 12 years imprisonment, Selçuk Kozağaçlı to 11 years
and 3 months imprisonment, Engin Gökoğlu, Aytaç Ünsal and Süleyman Gökten to 10 years and 6
months imprisonment, Aycan Çiçek and Naciye Demir to 9 years imprisonment, Ezgi Çakır to 8 years
imprisonment. The court ruled to enforce the sentence for Ezgi Çakır in the form of house arrest as
she had a young child.
The court also sentenced Ayşegül Çağatay, Yağmur Ereren, Didem Baydar Ünsal and Yaprak
Türkmen to 3 years and 9 months imprisonment for “aiding an illegal organization,” while Ahmet
Mandacı and Zehra Özdemir were handed down 3 years and 1 month and 15 days imprisonment
under the same offense. The files of defendants at large, Oya Aslan and Günay Dağ, were separated.
Objection to the ruling was rejected by İstanbul Regional Court of Appeals’ 2
nd
Penal Department on 8
October 2019.
According to the statement by the International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI)
released on 24 January 2018 on the occasion of the Day of the Endangered Lawyer, 1,488 lawyers
33
were subjected to ill-treatment amounting to persecution in Turkey during the SoE while 572 lawyers
were detained and 79 lawyers were sentenced to imprisonment.
ÇHD member, lawyer Ebru Timtik went on a hunger strike to protect fundamental rights including
the right to a fair trial and the prevention of arbitrary and illegal repression and bans on 3 February
2020. She died on the 238
th
day of her hunger strike on 27 August 2020.
Various lawsuits against ÇHD lawyers were merged and are pending before İstanbul 37
th
Heavy
Penal Court. ÇHD chairperson Selçuk Kozağaçlı and other lawyers who had been convicted before
are still in prison.
Osman Kavala and the Gezi Park Trial
Anadolu Kültür Inc. Executive Board Chairperson Osman Kavala was taken into custody on 19
October 2017. It was reported that Mr. Kavala was charged with “attempting to overthrow the
government” within the context of the Gezi Resistance and with “attempting to overthrow the
constitutional order” within the context of the 15 July attempted coup.
Osman Kavala, who was either a founder or executive at the Open Society Foundation, Turkish
Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV), Turkish Foundation for Combating Soil Erosion,
Reforestation and the Protection of Natural Habitat (TEMA), History Foundation, Diyarbakır Political
and Social Research Institute, Turkish Cinema Foundation and Anadolu Kültür Foundation, was
referred to the court by İstanbul Public Prosecutor’s Office for detention without his statement taken
after being held in custody for 14 days. He was detained by İstanbul 1
st
Criminal Peace Judgeship on
1 November 2017 under the charges of “attempting to overthrow the constitutional order” regulated
under Article 309 of the TPC and “attempting to overthrow the government” under Article 312.
Mr. Kavala’s lawyers asked for his release following the detention ruling but it was rejected. His
lawyers lodged an individual application before the Constitutional Court in December 2017 on the
grounds that the “detention ruling was unconstitutional.” The Constitutional Court’s General
Secretariat held on 22 May 2019 in its judgement in the case of Mehmet Osman Kavala (Application
No. 2018/1073) that there was no violation of the right to liberty and security of person guaranteed by
Article 19 of the Constitution.
The detention ruling was also brought before the ECtHR on 8 June 2018. The application stated
that the detention ruling, extension of the detention ruling and the lengthy process before the
Constitutional Court were against Article 5 of the ECHR guaranteeing the rights to “liberty and
security.” The application also emphasized the fact that the detention ruling was handed down for
political purposes which was against Article 18 of the ECHR.
The ECtHR that prioritized the application and asked the Turkish government to provide
information on the concept of “strong suspicion based on concrete evidence signifying commission of
a crime” and “whether the evidence in the file was sufficient enough at the time of the detention
ruling.”
The ECtHR’s judgment was announced in December 2019. The court held that Articles 5/1, 5/4
and 18 of the ECHR were violated on the grounds that “Osman Kavala was detained without
reasonable suspicion” and the “Constitutional Court did not review the application within a reasonable
34
time” adding that Mr. Kavala should “immediately be released.” (This was the second Article 18
violation judgment against Turkey following the case of HDP Co-chairperson Selahattin Demirtaş).
13 executives and employees of the Anadolu Kültür Inc. were taken into custody on 16 November
2018, a year after the detention of Mr. Kavala. Those taken into custody were:
Prof. Dr. Betül Tanbay from Boğaziçi University, Prof. Dr. Turgut Tarhanlı -the dean of Law School
at Bilgi University, Yiğit Ekmekçi -Acting Chair of the Executive Board of Anadolu Kültür, executive
board member Ali Hakan Altınay, general coordinator Asena Günal, Co-Director of Memory Center
Meltem Aslan, Bernard Van Leer Foundation’s Turkey representative and staff of İstanbul Bilgi
University’s NGO Training and Research Unit Yiğit Aksakoğlu, Anadolu Kültür members/staff Bora
Sarı, Ayşegül Güzel, Hande Özhabeş, Yusuf Cıvır, Filiz Telek, and producer Çiğdem Mater.
In a statement by the İstanbul Police Department, it was claimed that those taken into custody
maintained “a hierarchical order with Osman Kavala, held meetings at a place called the DEPO
owned by Anadolu Kültür Inc. in order to deepen and popularize Gezi Park incidents, brought in
activism trainers, facilitators and professional protesters from abroad in order to provide for the
continuance of Gezi Park incidents under the titles of civil disobedience and non-violent protest,
involved in activities to establish new media, worked to stop the import of pepper gas used in Gezi
Park incidents to Turkey and ban the use of such gas.
Yiğit Aksakoğlu was detained on 18 November 2018, while 12 others were released pending trial.
Aksakoğlu was held in solitary confinement for about 3 months in Silivri Prison.
In the meantime, it turned out that the public prosecutor who had first initiated the investigation was
Muammer Akkaş, who was dismissed from the public prosecutor’s office on the grounds of
“membership in the Fethullah Gülen organization” and was at large. It was also reported that the
investigation at the police department was conducted by the Organized Crime Branch Director Nazmi
Ardıç who was detained on the same grounds.
Further, arrest warrants were issued for artist Mehmet Ali Alabora, journalist Can Dündar, Ayşe
Pınar Alabora, Gökçe Yılmaz, Handan Meltem Arıkan, Hanzade Hikmet Germiyanoğlu and İnanç
Ekmekçi who resided abroad.
The 657-page indictment drafted by İstanbul Public Prosecutor’s Office for 16 persons was
submitted to İstanbul 30
th
Heavy Penal Court on 20 February 2019. The indictment charged Osman
Kavala, Yiğit Aksakoğlu, Ali Hakan Altınay, Mücella Yapıcı, Ayşe Pınar Alabora, Can Dündar, Çiğdem
Mater, Gökçe Yılmaz, Handan Meltem Arıkan, Hanzade Hikmet Germiyanoğlu, İnanç Ekmekçi,
Mehmet Ali Alabora, Mine Özerden, Can Atalay, Tayfun Kahraman and Yiğit Ali Ekmekçi with
“attempting to overthrow the government or to prevent it from fulfilling its duties” that prescribed
aggravated life sentence if found guilty (TPC Art. 312/2).
The trial commenced on 24-25 June 2019 at the Silivri Prison campus. Yiğit Aksakoğlu was
released at the hearing.
In the meantime, German federal government’s Commissioner for Human Rights Policies and
Humanitarian Assistance Bärbel Kofler and French Ambassador for Human Rights François Croquette
issued a joint statement before the third hearing of the Gezi Park trial in October 2019 urging Turkey
to comply with the standards of rule of law. The statement also indicated that they were following the
situation of the civil society and human rights activities in Turkey with great concern.
The sixth and final hearing of the trial was held on 18 February 2020. The court ruled for the
acquittal of nine defendants and for the release of Mr. Kavala. The files of seven defendants residing
abroad were separated and the arrest warrants issued for them were also lifted.
35
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan stated the following when he expressed his opinion on the
acquittal rulings in the Gezi Trial:
The fact that the man is very rich, is a wealthy socialist should not be enough to save him.
Because Gezi is an incident of treachery to this country. An incident of treason to this
homeland. I, myself, experienced this at the most critical moment. Because they tried to
break into our office in Dolmabahçe and wrote very ugly, nefarious slogans across the
office. They invaded the Bezmialem Valide Sultan Mosque for three days. Beer cans were
found inside. No one cares. Do you necessarily need arms? These will waltz into somehow
and then will keep on doing so freely? Now who are those backing them? Many more and
whatnot are backing them.
While it was expected that Mr. Kavala would be released, it turned out that another arrest warrant
had been issued within the scope of another investigation concerning the attempted coup following
the president’s statement. Osman Kavala, who had been taken into custody on his way out of Silivri
Prison, was detained on 19 February 2020 by the on-call Criminal Peace Judgeship. Before the
judgeship’s detention ruling, though, it turned out that İstanbul 5
th
Criminal Judgeship had issued an
international travel ban for him. The ruling that was rendered after the acquittal and release judgment
of the heavy penal court was served to Mr. Kavala on 26 February 2020 after he was jailed.
Osman Kavala who was being incarcerated in Silivri Prison was detained once again on 9 March
2020 within the scope of a “political or military espionage” investigation launched against him. These
charges against Mr. Kavala were not about a new investigation. Mr. Kavala was detained again on the
grounds that new evidence was unearthed within the scope of the file he was detained on 1
November 2017 following a 13-day custody having been charged with “staging a coup” under Article
309 of the TPC and ex officio released on 11 October 2019.
In the meantime, İstanbul Regional Court of Appeals 3
rd
Penal Department quashed the acquittal
rulings rendered for 9 individuals in the Gezi Park trial. When the Court of Cassation also quashed the
acquittal rulings rendered in the Çarşı Group trial after 6 years, the two cases were merged. Osman
Kavala now remains as the only detained individual within the scope of 52-defendant trial upon the
merging of Gezi Park and Çarşı Group’s cases.
Council of Europe Committee of Ministers adopted an interim resolution on 2 December 2021
concerning the execution of the judgment of the ECtHR in the case of Osman Kavala v. Turkey stating
that it would initiate the infringement procedure against Turkey if Mr. Kavala was not released until 19
January 2022.
37
Yet, Osman Kavala was not released at the hearing held on 17 January 2022 within
the scope of the case pending before İstanbul 13
th
Heavy Penal Court.
M. Raci Bilici Democratic Society Congress Trials
An investigation on charges of “membership in an illegal organization” was launched into İHD
central executive board member and the then chairperson of the association’s Diyarbakır branch, Raci
Bilici, on 17 April 2017. Subsequently an indictment was drafted (Investigation No. 2017/1616, Merits
37
https://search.coe.int/cm/Pages/result_details.aspx?ObjectID=0900001680a4b3d4
36
No. 2017/5267) and a lawsuit was brought against Mr. Bilici under the same charges before
Diyarbakır 5
th
Heavy Penal Court. The indictment put forth the following charges against Mr. Bilici:
“Conducting activities in meetings held by the Democratic Society Congress (DSC), participating in
a couple of meetings by the DSC; a draft charter document entitled ‘Democratic Society Congress
Draft Charter’ and determined the modus operandi of DSC structure by the organization’s leadership
was seized in the data content retrieved on 6 September 2011 to the email address
‘dtknavend@hotmail.com’ evaluated to have been used by a person named Cemal Coşkun within the
scope of the investigation (No. 2010/2499) conducted by Diyarbakır Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office;
a part that read ‘Modus Operandi and Organs of the Congress IV -Definition and Formation of the
General Assembly Article 5: General Assembly is the decision-making organ of the Democratic
Society Congress. It is formed by a minimum of 800 delegates. 60% of this is formed by civilian
democratic assemblies of our constituents and comprised of elected delegates who are designated in
accordance with the population rates of cities, districts, towns and villages. The remaining 40% is
comprised of elected deputies, mayors, provincial general assembly members, municipal assembly
members and mukhtars as well as representatives from political parties, political groups, civil society
organizations and ethnic and religious groups in the region along with academics, intellectuals and
opinion leaders’ was in the content; the fact that suspect Mr. Raci Bilici was İHD’s Diyarbakır branch
chairperson at the time of the incident is another piece of evidence that he has a position as a
member in the Democratic Society Congress regarded as the legislative assembly of the terrorist
organization and served as a moderator at a migration conference organized by DSC; he took part in
protests for the improvement of prison conditions of Abdullah Öcalan and for his being recognized; his
being an active member of the DSC and undertook acts and activities accordingly…”
Raci Bilici has served as an executive at İHD’s Diyarbakır branch since 2004 and was the branch
chairperson between 2014 and 2018. All the charges impugned in the indictment were activities he
undertook in the field of human rights. He was neither a member nor a delegate of the DSC which was
indeed addressed by both civilian and administrative authorities. The correspondence referred to in
the indictment merely consists of his statements because he is a member of the civil society. The
meetings he attended and his field observations are also a part of his undertaking responsibilities in
the field of human rights.
There are also previous rulings in similar cases brought against Raci Bilici. Various court rulings
had held that participation in meetings and events held by civil society organizations was not a
criminal offense within the framework of legislation. Further, it has become an established case-law of
the Court of Cassation.
For instance, Tümbel-Sen’s (Union of All Municipality and Local Administration Services
Employees’ Union) Diyarbakır branch chairperson was acquitted in the trial brought on similar grounds
under charges of “membership in an armed terrorist organization,” “violating the Law on Meetings and
Demonstrations” and “praising an offense and offender” heard before Diyarbakır 10
th
Heavy Penal
Court. Moreover, the public prosecutor requested the acquittal of the defendant indicating that “there
was no other piece of evidence other than tape recordings within the scope of the file” and that “there
was no clear-cut and material evidence beyond all kinds of doubt that (the defendant) committed the
impugned criminal offense within the scope of the file” in their comments on the merits of the case
heard before Diyarbakır 8
th
Heavy Penal Court that was initiated on similar grounds against Diyarbakır
chairperson of the Trade Union of Employees in Healthcare and Social Services (SES). One can list
many more sample cases brought against journalists, civil society members or professional
organization members and acquittal rulings were rendered for defendants in these cases.
37
The Court of Cassation, too, has similar judgments. The Court of Cassation particularly quashed
rulings with no evidence whatsoever but solely based on communication records of telephone
conversations that did not back the content of the impugned offense by material findings and held that
telephone conversations could not be used as evidence for the offenses of establishing and
membership in an organization if there was no other evidence other than telephone conversations.
The Constitutional Court in its judgment in the case of Ahmet Urhan also stated accordingly: “The
fact that involvement in an association was considered to be evidence for conviction of membership in
a terrorist organization is an issue that will be assessed within the scope of freedom of association.
Further, the fact that acts in the form of attending meetings held by organizations were considered to
be evidence for conviction of membership in a terrorist organization should be evaluated in the light of
the right to assembly and demonstration within the framework of Article 33 of the Constitution and
freedom of association as well. Therefore, the analysis of the current application will assess whether
the use of acts argued to consist of the exercise of the freedom in question as evidence for conviction
of the applicant of the offense of membership in a terrorist organization was demonstrated with a
relevant and adequate ground… It was held that the applicant’s right in question was interfered with
when the applicant’s acts that fell under freedom of association were considered to be evidence for
membership in a terrorist organization.”
Within the context of all these statements, Raci Bilici did not have a personal relationship with the
DSC but took part in these meetings in question and had telephone conversations because he was an
executive at the İHD. All these activities were among the necessities of being a human rights
defenders and a representative of a civil society organization. This fact has also been emphasized in
judgments by the Constitutional Court, the Court of Cassation and local courts within the scope of
cases that were similar to the one launched against Raci Bilici.
The final hearing of the case against Raci Bilici brought on the grounds of his activities as İHD’s
vice-chairperson and Diyarbakır branch chairperson was held on 12 March 2020 before Diyarbakır 5
th
Heavy Penal Court. As has been summarized above, the public prosecutor’s office asked for the
conviction of Raci Bilici in their comments on merits in spite of acquittal ruling for those standing trial
within the scope of similar files with similar charges. And the court sentenced Mr. Bilici to 6 years and
3 months imprisonment for “membership in an organization.” This ruling was then quashed by
Diyarbakır Regional Court of Appeals’ 2
nd
Penal Department and Diyarbakır 5
th
Heavy Penal Court
retried the case subsequently sentencing him to the same penalty on 16 September 2021. When this
ruling was appealed, Diyarbakır Regional Court of Appeals’ 2
nd
Penal Department ruled for his
acquittal on 12 January 2022 (Merits No. 2021/1282). However the public prosecutor appealed
against this ruling.
Diyarbakır-based DSC investigations have become tens of trials against hundreds of persons
having been extended to the entire Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia cities. Following the
investigations and prosecutions entitled KCK initiated in 2009 against Kurdish activists and human
rights defenders and politicians, now investigations and prosecutions are conducted with the same
mentality using DSC as an excuse.
The above-mentioned trial against M. Raci Bilici is solely given as an example. We would
especially like to note that there are hundreds of people in the same situation. It has further been
reported that the number of investigations into and trials against Kurdish politicians, who were
executives and members of HDP and DBP, was in the thousands.
We would also like to particularly note that numerous criminal cases were brought against the
executives and members of Roza Women’s Association, which had been closed down during the
SoE, and they have been detained pending trial in most of these cases.
38
Trials against Journalists and the Cumhuriyet Trial
Administrative and judicial harassment against journalists, who are among the human rights
defenders group, have been maintained non-stop in Turkey.
On 31 October 2016, an investigation was initiated into the executives and columnists of the daily
Cumhuriyet on the charges of “committing criminal offenses on behalf of FETÖ and PKK terrorist
organizations as non-members” and they were taken into custody. The indictment was based on the
investigation initiated into Cumhuriyet executives and columnists on the charges of “supporting
PKK/KCK, FETÖ/PDY and DHKP/C” was admitted by the İstanbul 27
th
Heavy Penal Court on 18 April
2017.
On 25 April 2018, the final judgment in the case of daily Cumhuriyet was announced. The court
sentenced Akın Atalay to 7 years 3 months and 15 days imprisonment, Murat Sabuncu and Ahmet Şık
to 7 years and 6 months imprisonment. The court also released Akın Atalay and ruled for judicial
control for all other convicted defendants who were not detained (Bülent Utku, Mustafa Kemal
Güngör, Hacı Musa Kart, Güray Tekin Öz, Turhan Günay, Önder Çelik ve Hakan Karasinir). Can
Dündar and İlhan Tanır’s files were separated. Upon the quashing judgment of the Court of Cassation,
the case was retried before the İstanbul 27
th
Heavy Penal Court and the court maintained its original
ruling. The file was resent to the Court of Cassation. In the meantime, convictions of journalists who
had been sentenced to less than 5 years of imprisonment were upheld by the İstanbul Court of
Appeals and they had been imprisoned. The 1
st
Judicial Reform Package of 26 October 2019 made
appeals before the Court of Cassation available for offenses within the scope of freedom of
expression that were handed down less than 5 years of imprisonment sentences and the trial is
pending before the Court of Cassation regarding these individuals.
39
Repressive policies against LGBTI+ rights defenders
LGBTI+ rights defenders are among the groups that are affected by social pressure and the SoE
regime. Repression against the LGBTI+ rights defenders escalated during and after the 2014 Gezi
Park protests as the overall visibility of the LGBTI+ movement in Turkey increased and it went bad to
worse when the SoE was declared. The joint İHD-OBS report “A Perpetual Emergency: Attacks on
Freedom of Assembly in Turkey and Repercussions for Civil Society”
38
clearly reveals the negative
impacts of the SoE on LGBTI+ organizations.
İstanbul Pride Parade, which was last held in 2014 without being outlawed, has been banned
since. The first excuse that the authorities made about the ban was that the Pride Parade coincided
with Ramadan. Although it did not coincide with Ramadan in 2017, this time it was banned on grounds
of security. These ban decisions point out to the fact that Ramadan was used merely as an excuse to
impose bans on the LGBTI+ community. The same year the chair of the İstanbul branch of the far-
right group Alperen Ocakları” openly threatened the Pride Parade on television arguing the issue of
LGBTI+ rights was an agenda item of “a capitalist, communist and imperialist project” that targeted the
“institution of family” and stated that even if the authorities granted permission, they would not let the
event happen.
39
The authorities opted for banning the Pride Parade against such security threats
instead of fulfilling their positive obligations and taking the necessary measures in order to enable
individuals to freely exercise their freedom of assembly. In 2018 and 2019, too, Pride Parades was
banned in İstanbul although they did not coincide with Ramadan and there were no material threats
targeting the parade.
While the authorities have not been permitting the annual Pride Parades in İstanbul since 2015,
repression and restrictions on the LGBTI+ movement have escalated dramatically in the aftermath of
the SoE. Not only outdoor events organized by LGBTI+ groups, but also indoor events like film
screenings and talks were banned by the authorities during and after the SoE. Such state of affairs
clearly demonstrates the fact that the right to freedom of assembly has been expropriated using the
SoE conditions as an excuse.
38
https://ihd.org.tr/en/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/20200728_FIDH-OMCTIHD_TurkeyReport.pdf
39
https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/alperen-ocaklari-onur-yuruyusunu-yine-tehdit-etti-
yurutmeyecegiz-764178
40
Recommendations for the Elimination of the
Consequences of Emergency Decree Laws
Emergency decree laws have had consequences that went beyond the period of state of
emergency. They, further, led to consequences that have violated fundamental rights and freedoms in
many respects. Moreover, they paved the way for many practices that narrowed down the space for
actors fighting for democracy and human rights in Turkey.
İHD believes that the repressive regime in Turkey -which has been drifting away from democracy
and the principle of rule of law, where fundamental rights and freedoms are arbitrarily restricted- can
only be put to an end by rebuilding social peace. It is, therefore, imperative that a novel peace process
be initiated with the involvement of all social parties.
The principle of separation of powers enshrined in the Constitution should be carried into effect and
a new judicial structure in compliance with the principle of rule of law should be provided. In addition,
a constitutional amendment that would make decree laws issued within emergency governance
procedures be subjected to constitutional jurisdiction should be introduced and the necessary legal
regulations should be launched in order to eliminate laws that hinder judicial remedies in emergency
government procedures.
Regulations that rendered the state of emergency permanent should be annulled; human rights-
based regulations that are dependent on Turkey’s international obligations should be introduced.
Legislation amended and altered by emergency decree laws should be reviewed with an eye to repeal
all regulations against fundamental rights. In this vein, legal regulations should be made to stop using
emergency decree laws after the termination of the state of emergency. Regulations put into effect
through Law No. 7145 that provided the continuance of state of emergency should be repealed.
Within this scope, all emergency decree laws should be annulled with all their consequences. The
dysfunctional and utterly political Inquiry Commission on the State of Emergency Measures should be
dissolved, the commissions rejection decisions should be made null and void, all public employees
other than those who used powers on behalf of the state (judges, prosecutors, high-ranking police,
intelligence and military officers) should be reinstated to their public posts while public employees who
used powers on behalf of the state should be granted the right to a fair trial using the case law of the
ECtHR and, if need be, retrials should be granted within the scope of these rights.
The repressive climate brought about by the SoE conditions against persons and organizations
contributing to the democratization of Turkey should be ended, all kinds of politically motivated
measures taken against these persons and organizations should be put to an end, decisions delivered
along these lines should be cancelled.
41
The authorities should reopen the organizations that had been closed down resorting to obscure
concepts like junction (iltisak) and connection (irtibat) and return their assets, while decisions should
be handed down after trials in cases where there might be criminal charges, if any.
Remedies for pecuniary and non-pecuniary damages sustained by those victimized by emergency
decree laws during and after the state of emergency should be made available. Pecuniary and non-
pecuniary damages should be granted to the families of those who were victimized by emergency
decree laws and subsequently lost their lives due to sickness or suicide; these persons’ reputations
should be restored.
Academics dismissed for signing the Academics for Peace declaration should immediately be
reinstated to their former posts, investigations and cases against them should promptly be ended in
line with the judgment of the Constitutional Court.
All measures taken against human rights defenders and organizations using the failed coup
attempt and the state of emergency as excuses should be revoked. These persons’ and
organizations’ fundamental rights and freedoms, notably freedoms of expression and association,
should be revised in compliance with international conventions and covenants Turkey is a party to and
the obstacles before the exercise of these rights should immediately be lifted.
42
References
Academics for Peace. “Rights Violations against Academics for Peace.”
[https://barisicinakademisyenler.net/node/314]
Akça, İsmet, Süreyya Algül, Hülya Dinçer, Erhan Keleşoğlu, Barış Alp Özden.
When the State of Emergency Becomes the Norm: The Impact of
Executive Decrees on Turkish Legislation. Heinrich Böll Stiftung,
January 2017. [https://tr.boell.org/en/2018/03/15/when-state-
emergency-becomes-norm]
Altıparmak, Kerem, Dinçer Demirkent and Murat Sevinç. “Atipik KHK’ler ve
Daimi Hukuksuzluk: Artık Yasaları İdare Mi İptal Edecek?” HRJP: 8
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This report was produced with the financial support of the European Union within the scope of the ProtectDefenders program of
which the OMCT is a member. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the Human Rights Association and do not necessarily reflect
the views of the European Union and OMCT.
Human Rights Association December 2021