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The Rise and Fall of the Hillbilly Music Genre, A History, The Rise and Fall of the Hillbilly Music Genre, A History,
1922-1939. 1922-1939.
Ryan Carlson Bernard
East Tennessee State University
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The Rise and Fall of the Hillbilly Music Genre:
A History, 1922-1939.
___________________
A thesis
presented to
the faculty of the Department of Liberal Studies
East Tennessee State University
In partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree
Masters of Arts in Liberal Studies
___________________
by
Ryan Carlson Bernard
December, 2006
___________________
Dr. Richard Blaustein, Chair
Dr. Ted Olson
Dr. Kevin O’Donnell
Keywords: Hillbilly, Music, Stereotype, Genre, Phonograph, Radio
2
ABSTRACT
The Rise and Fall of the Hillbilly Music Genre:
A History, 1922-1939
by
Ryan Carlson Bernard
This research will examine the rise in popularity of the hillbilly music genre as it
relates to the early part of the twentieth century as well as its decline with the
arrival of the western hero, the cowboy.
Chapter 1 examines the origins of traditional music and how instrumental the
fiddle and banjo were in that development. Chapter 2 looks closely into the
careers of recording artists who recorded what would later be called hillbilly
music. Chapter 3 examines the string band and the naming of the hillbilly genre.
Chapters 4 and 5 look at the aspect of radio programming and stereotypes.
Chapter 6 discusses the homogenization of the hillbilly genre and the
replacement of the hillbilly with the cowboy. This research will clarify the appeal
of the hillbilly and highlight the negative stereotypes that started the genre and
ultimately ended it leading into the Second World War.
3
Copyright 2006 by Ryan Carlson Bernard All Rights Reserved
4
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to acknowledge Dr. Richard Blaustein for all his advice and
help during the research phase of this project. His knowledge and patience were
most welcomed and priceless. I would also like to acknowledge my parents,
Jenella Oliver and Rex Bernard, without their support and love this would not
have been possible. Lastly, I would like to thank Dr. Ted Olson and Dr. Kevin
O’Donnell, their assistance during this research was most valuable and
appreciated.
5
CONTENTS
Page
ABSTRACT……………………………………………………………………… 2
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS……………………………………………………… 4
Chapter
1. THE BEGINING…………………………………………………….. 7
Origins of Traditional Music…………………………………… 9
Banjo…………………………………………………………….. 10
Minstrels…………………………………………………………. 10
Vaudeville……………………………………………………….. 14
2. THE FIRST HILLBILLIES TO RECORD, 1922-1928……………... 21
Eck Robertson……………………………………………………. 22
Henry Whitter……………………………………………………… 25
Fiddlin’ John Carson……………………………………………… 28
3. THE HILL BILLIES AND EARLY STRING BANDS, 1924-1929….. 37
The Skillet Lickers, 1924-1931………………………………… 38
The Term “Hillbilly”………………………………………… 44
The Hill Billies……………………………………………. ……… 45
4. UNCLE DAVE MACON AND THE GRAND OLE OPRY, 1918-1930…54
The Grand Ole Opry……………………………………………….. 55
Hay’s Vision of Hillbilly Authenticity………………………………… 59
Uncle Dave Macon…………………………………………………... 61
5. EARLY HILLBILLY STEREOTYPES, 1850-1939……………………… 72
6
Mining the Misconception………………………………… 77
Arkansas Traveler & Li’l Abner……………………………. 80
Enter: Hillbilly Musicians…………………………………... 84
6. HOMOGENIZATION & THE DECLINE, 1925-1939……………. ……. 90
Maces Springs & the Tenneva Ramblers………………………… 91
Peer & Stoneman……………………………………………………. 94
Bristol: Birth of a Legend……………………………………………. 96
Music Publishing: The Hillbilly Writer………………………………. 99
“I’m Going Where There’s No Depression”……………………… 101
Enter: The Media Cowboy…………………………………………. 104
Conclusion…………………………………………………………… 107
BIBLIOGRAPHY…………………………………………………………………….. 115
VITA……………………………………………………………………………………120
7
CHAPTER 1
THE BEGINNING
As the nineteenth century headed towards modernization and the
industrialization of the rapidly approaching century, rural inhabitants began to
take part in a mass exodus out of the southern Appalachian region, away from
the isolation and poverty of the mountain South. The promise of good jobs and
new, modern ways of life attracted impoverished mountaineers and rural folk,
while the prospect of leaving the old ways in exchange for these new, urban
areas was often intimidating and daunting in the least.
As the southern migration to the cities exploded, many aspects of rural life
were carried along and incorporated into the newer, modern modes of every day
life. Significant aspects of this modern change were the impact of traditional
music, recordings, and radio broadcasts. With newly implemented programming
including barn dances, skits, minstrelsy, and vaudeville performances, these
musicians along with the far-reaching power of radio impacted, nurtured, and
influenced the hillbilly acclimation to these new urban centers.
This study will examine the rise in popularity of the hillbilly genre of music
in the early part of the twentieth century and how the rise of this traditional music
correlates to the demographic, cultural, and economic changes of the mountain
South and the great Southern migration to cities. A closer look into the reasons
why the genre rose in popularity at a time of such great social change in the
country and the explanations for the genre losing the social connection before
World War II will also be examined. How this music with its intrinsic rural values
8
and easily identifiable “folk” qualities became what is known today as “country
music” will also be addressed.
The enormous business opportunity that the hillbilly and race recordings
provided in the 1920s should also be examined when discussing the history of
traditional, folk music and its rise in popularity and acceptance. The genre
provided an easily marketable elixir for southern transplants with its rural values
and rustic nostalgia and this notion was presented and put forth at a time when
the old ways of life were most assuredly fading away. This sentiment was not lost
on savvy businessmen like Ralph Peer, George D. Hay, and Frank Walker, and
the commercialization of the hillbilly genre was an exercise in the symbiotic
relationships between musicians and businessmen and ultimately would develop
and evolve into a business model for popular music.
Mass–produced, commercialized hillbilly music was a vital and pivotal
feature of southern acclimation to modern industrialized society and northern
urban centers. Examining the rise and fall of the hillbilly genre provides insight
into socioeconomic variables that ultimately affected the identities of southern
Appalachians and the commercial music industry and its role in shaping rustic,
rural values and mores through modern modes of media.
9
Origins of Traditional Music
From earliest part of the seventeenth century America, the fiddle played
an integral part in social interaction and was present as this nation grew,
struggled, and evolved. The fiddle embodied tradition and the tunes that were
played on this instrument were a direct link with the European continent and
cultures, which the settlers had then recently departed. Fred Fussell illuminates
this point in his book; Blueridge Music Trails (2003): “The fiddle was a compact
carry-over from the old world. When the Europeans first brought it to North
America during the late seventeenth century, the fiddle was a novel and exciting
instrument that was beginning to replace the hornpipe, tabor, and harp at country
dances and other rural social gatherings in the Old World.”
1
The fiddle was often
the only musical instrument played in many white settlements; numerous British,
Irish, Scottish, and other European tunes were brought with this instrument. The
importance and relevance of the fiddle quickly integrated into early American
psyche. The fiddle is easily identifiable with early American history. Thomas
Jefferson, for example, was a noted fiddler who composed and collected songs.
George Washington, some scholars say, had a favorite fiddle tune called,
“Jaybird sitting on a Hickory Limb.”
2
1
Fred Fussel, Blue Ridge Music Trails: Finding a place in the Circle (Chapel Hill: University North
Carolina, 2003), 3.
2
Lisa Burman-Hall, “Southern Fiddling: Context and Style: Context and Style” (PhD. Diss.,
Princeton University, 1973), 14.
10
Banjo
By the 1800s, a significant event transpired in secular music: the
integration and assimilation of the banjo into the southern Appalachian culture.
Some scholars contend the banjo, with its origins in Africa, made its way to the
North American continent via the slave trade and continued on into more isolated
areas by means of the new railroads. D. K Wilgus elaborates on the how music
and instruments made it into a more isolated Appalachia: “By steam packet, by
railroad, by returning loggers who had rafted timber, by returning western migrants,
by those who drove jolt wagons to the settlements-selected musical materials
reached our ‘contemporary ancestors.’”
3
The isolation of Appalachia, some
scholars say, was less profound than once believed. The histories of the various
banjo incarnations vary from scholar to scholar but all agree that the importation
and integration of this instrument was vital in the development of country, hillbilly,
or traditional music. President Thomas Jefferson commented on the Banjo and
how it was tuned. In his book, Notes on the State of Virginia (1743), Jefferson said
of black residents of the Blue Ridge, “The instrument propoer {sic} to them is the
banjar which they brought hither from Africa.”
4
Minstrels
The use of the banjo in minstrel shows greatly increased the instrument’s
popularity before the Civil War. Minstrel shows were an odd amalgam for
3
D. K. Wilgus, “An Introduction to the Study of Hillbilly Music,” The Journal of American Folklore
78 (1965): 196.
4
Fussell, 5.
11
America at this time. Don Cusic relates this strange mixture of cultures in The
American Recording Industry (1996):
The impersonation of blacks by whites is one of the unique—and
characteristic—forms of entertainment developed in America. In fact, one
of the major reasons America as a nation was so unique was the
presence of a black culture, separate from the white culture at the same
time it was part of this culture. In entertainment and music it gave us a
diverse heritage, a cultural mix not found anywhere else in the world,
which influenced our entertainment music industries.
5
The banjo, the main prop of the minstrel performer, had found its way into
the region, and in tandem with the fiddle it formed the core of the mountain string
band.
6
The combination of fiddle and banjo were an integral part of minstrelsy;
through minstrel shows the banjo became popular in the North and the South
alike. African-Americans playing the African banjo and the European fiddle
formed the first uniquely American ensemble-the root or beginnings of a sound
that would eventually shape old time, hillbilly, blues, bluegrass, and eventually
country-western music, among other genres.
According to Wilgus, opinions vary concerning the origins of both the
banjo and fiddle as secular string-band instruments, “One makes statements
about folk music of secular culture with extreme caution. The secular musical
tradition was almost completely domestic, performed by nonprofessionals. The
repertory included both Old World and native American materials, though it is not
possible to demonstrate when some of the latter entered the tradition. Few old
ballads native to the area have survived. Performance, excepting shaped-note
singing, was monophonic; melodies were largely modal, sung with considerable
5
Don Cusic, The American Recording Industry (Nashville: Belmont University, 1996), 30.
6
Fussell, 5.
12
ornamentation and rhythmic freedom. The only instrument in wide use was the
fiddle, and probably only for frolic music. The attitude toward secular music in
general and the fiddle in particular varied from complete toleration to total
rejection on religious grounds. But there was a strong conservative tradition with
ancient roots.”
7
Traditional or folk music continued to evolve and acclimate to the
changing times of the nineteenth century. The South was an agrarian society
during the 1800s and social interactions between whites and African-Americans
reflected a pastoral sentiment. The traditional songs of the white people of which
echoes are preserved in Negro secular songs are generally jig-songs, nursery
songs, and children’s nursery rhymes. They may have been acquired in the white
man’s nursery, at corn-shuckings, or break-downs of the white man at which
there were Negro musicians, on large plantations where in the eighteenth century
the slave sometimes worked side by side with the indentured white man, or the
small farm in the nineteenth century where the slave and his owner often labored
together.
8
Black slaves and white indentured servants did much of music making
at Virginia dances, and the Virginia Gazette’s advertisements for runaway
sometimes mentioned that the escapee was a fiddler. Virginians seeking to
acquire slaves and indentured servants sometimes specified that, in addition to
the usual qualification, they wanted a musician.
9
7
D. K. Wilgus, “Country-Western Music and the Urban Hillbilly,” The Journal of American Folklore
83 (1970): 159.
8
Newman I. White, “The White Man in the Woodpile. Some Influences on Negro Secular Folk-
Songs,”
American Speech 4, (1929):209.
9
Fussell, 4.
13
A series of cultural shocks and alterations began with the Civil War. Of
course the music and the cultural tradition of which it was a part had not been
completely static, even in the deepest back country, but change now became
increasingly rapid. We can date economic changes, we can date song texts, but
we cannot date changes in musical styles or even the introduction of musical
instruments during this time. For example, the banjo and the Ethiopian minstrel
songs were a staple of the urban tradition by 1850; yet we do not know when the
southern white folk musician adopted them. What we do know is that by the end
of the century they had become a vital part of the tradition. What we can do is
recognize influences that were gradual, and influences that were resisted. We
can summarize them as urbanization.
10
In the mid-nineteenth century, the country’s musical traditions and idioms
were influenced primarily by Scottish, English, Irish, and German immigrants
coming into the Northern region of the country and African-American slaves
transported to the South. At the end of the Civil War, the diverse musical forms
from which contemporary country or folk music traces its musicological lineage
were the prevalent popular musical forms in North America. European fine art
music was performed only in a few large seaport cities. At no time since has this
Anglo-Celtic music, a mixture of fiddle dance songs, narrative ballads, and
sacred gospel songs, been so nearly the music in the country at large. This pre-
commercial country music was transmitted by amateur musicians who, working
in an oral tradition, readily incorporated new composed songs of the early touring
10
Wilgus, 159.
14
professionals and elements from immigrant musical styles. As a result there was
a great deal of regional variation in song texts, performance styles, and
instrumentation.
11
Vaudeville
Vaudeville was the next addition in a long procession of entertainment
genres found in the mid-nineteenth century. Vaudeville, a variety extravaganza
which began to assume a national identity in the last decades of the nineteenth
century, and which flourished until the bourgeoning popularity of motion pictures
in the 1920s, was a stage show that became popular following the rise in
popularity of the minstrel show. Like the earlier minstrel show, to which it was
much indebted, vaudeville inspired the emergence of a professional song-writing
class, and it developed highly sophisticated means of circulating their songs
around the nation. Vaudeville troupes played in most of the southern cities, but
songs introduced by them made their way into smaller towns and villages on
sheet music, in stereopticon slide shows, on piano rolls and cylinder recordings,
and in the performances of tent-repertory actors.
12
Humor played a major role in secular traditional music and was
incorporated promptly into stage shows and earlier minstrel routines. There is
scarcely an aspect of American character to which humor is not related, few
aspects which in some sense it has not governed. It moved into literature and
music, not merely as an occasional touch, but as a force that determined large
11
Richard A. Peterson and Paul Di Maggio, “From Region to Class, the Changing Locus of
Country Music: A Test of the Massification Hypothesis,”
Social Forces, 53 (1975): 499.
12
Bill C. Malone, Country Music U.S.A. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1985), 8.
15
patterns and intentions. It is a lawless element, full of surprises. It sustains its
own appeal, yet its vigorous power invites absorption in that character of which it
is part.
13
American sense of humor did not come in to widespread existence until
about 1830, more than two hundred years after John Smith wrote the first
American book.
14
The nation, itself, had to realize its own character and develop
a sense of humor within its place in history and time. With the changing socio-
economic variables, American humor was firmly ensconced in early traditional art
forms such as music.
The elements of immigrant influences on southern traditional music should
be noted when discussing the origins of commercial country music or the hillbilly
genre. The Civil War definitely affected regional and national migration patterns.
Wars would continue to provide catalysts for outward migration from the South.
The Civil War, like the other American wars to follow, brought rural men into
urban environments and men of different cultural regions into contact. Northern
entrepreneurs and technicians entered to exploit the South. Southern youths
were leaving the area—largely for the West—but they were returning as well.
Railroads furthered communication; in their very construction they introduced
new cultural (including musical) influences. Logging, mining, and manufacturing
plants were developed, altering economy and the face of the South, without
fundamentally challenging the value system of its folk. It is in this atmosphere
that hillbilly music developed and continued to develop.
15
13
Constance Rourke, American Humor (New York: Doubleday Anchor Books, 1931), 10.
14
Walter Blair, Native American Humor (Chicago: Chandler Publishing Company, 1960), 3.
15
Wilgus, 159.
16
According to Archie Green, the word, hillbilly, has been used both
pejoratively and humorously in American print since April 23, 1900. On that day
the New York Journal reported that “ a Hill-Billie is a free and untrammeled white
citizen of Alabama, who lives in the hills, has no means to speak of, dresses as
he can, talks as he pleases, drinks whiskey when he gets it, and fires off his
revolver as the fancy takes him.”
16
We do not know how early the term began to
circulate in speech. One possible clue on origin might be found in a pair of
Scottish colloquialisms, hill-folk and billie. The former was deprecatory, for it
designated a refractory Presbyterian—a Cameronian—a rebel against Charles II.
Scots hill-folk and hill men in 1693 were noted for zeal, devotion, and prudence in
seeking isolation away from their rejected monarch’s rule. Billie was used in
Scots dialect as early as 1505 as a synonym for fellow, companion, comrade, or
mate. The words hill and billie might well have been combined in the Highlands
before the first austere Cameronian took refuge in the piney uplands of the New
World. Historical speculation aside, we know the word in print only from 1900 and
only as an Americanism.
17
The origins of hillbilly music were by no means land-locked or confined to
one geographical area of the country. The folk aspect of the music resonated
with the listeners throughout the North and West. Green continues, “Hill-billy
music seems to be a super-hybrid form of some genuine folk elements which
have intruded into the mechanism of popular culture.” A dual definition states: “Of
16
Archie Green, “Hillbilly Music: Source and Symbol,” The Journal of American Folklore, 78
(1965): 204.
17
Ibid.
17
or pertaining to commercialized folk or folkish songs (or the performers thereof)
largely derived from or aimed at white folk culture of the southern United States,
beginning in 1923. Of or pertaining to that style –a blend of Anglo-Irish-Negro
folksong and American popular song—on which the commercial tradition was
based and developed.”
18
D. K Wilgus expresses a somewhat different opinion on
the beginnings of the genre—that hillbilly music is phenomenon solely of the
South in general and of the Southern Appalachians in particular is a myth in the
best sense of the word. The myth has its factual aspects—the music first
recorded in the South, and the musical style was originally Southern. But
“Southern Tune,” Mountain Song,” and “Dixie Music” had much the same
significance in the 1920s as “Old Northern Tune” had on London broadsides of
the seventeenth century. Early hillbilly performers came not only from the lowland
and upland South, but from the Great Plains, and the Midwest—and eventually
New England, Nova Scotia, and Alberta. That the first important hillbilly radio
show, WLS, originated in Chicago during the early 1920s cannot be explained
solely by the presence of Southern migrants. Barn dances on the air waves were
a manifestation of the South; their essence was of rural America. Southern
hillbilly music seems but a specialized and dominant form of a widespread music;
to say the least, it appealed to the tastes of the rural folk who could be reached
by radio stations in Pittsburgh, Kansas City, Boston, and Cleveland.
19
18
Ibid, 205.
19
D. K. Wilgus, “An Introduction to the Study of Hillbilly Music,” The Journal of American Folklore
78 (1965): 196.
18
The music and musicians that would eventually be called hillbilly were
definitely present and performing before the advent of radio and recordings. The
radio and recording industries did not invent hillbilly music. They offered new
media for an already existing tradition, which they rapidly learned to exploit. They
changed an existing pattern but slowly. The performers were recognized artists,
the best musicians of rural hamlets, traveling folk-oriented shows, and the
developing industrial centers of the South. The point is that professional
minstrelsy antedated the attentions of the folklorist, and the professional string
band antedated the machinations of the radio and record industry.
20
At the dawn of the 1920s, southern folk music remained largely unknown
to the outside world. Generally ignored and unobserved by others, it was left to
develop on its own. The songs of the southern region, however, were gradually
being presented to Americans at large through the publication of various folksong
compilations such as those John Lomax and Cecil Sharp. Sharp’s collection of
English folksongs found in the southern mountains, Folksongs from the Southern
Appalachians (1917), constituted the first attempt to include musical notation as
well as the lyrics for the South’s traditional store of songs. But nothing had been
done yet to publicize the singers themselves, and since Sharp ignored some of
the basic categories of musical expression (such as religious and instrumental
music); little was known of the total musical culture that folk southerners had
created. Rural music was an inchoate phenomenon, existing in a thousand
different communities and performed by fiddlers, banjoists, balladeers, song
20
Ibid, 197.
19
sheet hawkers, family gospel groups, and occasional string bands. Performed
usually at home or at a community social function, but occasionally in a paying
situation, such as on the medicine show stage, the music was as commercial as
its socioeconomic context would permit it to be.
21
By the 1920s, radio and recording technology were competing for the
general population’s attention. Throughout the early part of the twentieth century
these two forms of media would struggle, re-invent, rename, and mystify the
public’s idea and perceptions of what hillbilly music eventually become. This
misnomer would in due time act as an all encompassing term to categorize
anything rural, country, folk, or western. Green elaborates, “the term hillbilly
music, however defined has been employed for three decades as a rubric
covering a kaleidoscope variety of sub forms: old time, familiar tunes, Dixie,
mountain, sacred, gospel, country, cowboy, western, country-western, hill and
range, western swing, Nashville, rockabilly, bluegrass. Hillbilly can cover all
available (recorded and published) white commercial country music or it can be
equated simply with the limited type of recent period.”
22
The early part of our nation’s history provided a great arena for the
integration of cultures, musical forms, instrumentation, and social idiosyncrasies.
In addition, the American South provided a virtual “birthing-ground” for a
characteristically American folk music. The assimilation of the fiddle and banjo
into frontier culture was paramount in the development of an American folk
tradition. As the country grew and evolved, so did its distinct, culturally different,
21
Malone, 27-28.
22
Green, 205
20
musical tastes and forms. The music that grew alongside the nation was overtly
and originally American.
With the onset of industrialization and mechanization, the nation’s isolated
and often, forgotten areas were suddenly accessible and along with that access,
a blending of cultures and exchange of ideas often took place at a higher
frequency. As the frequency of exchange occurred more often, we find the
development of musical forms such as the minstrel, the medicine show, and
vaudeville. All of these new forms, in turn, led to the early modes of hillbilly and
country music. Economic, social, and political implications factored heavily in the
development of early folk and hillbilly music. Migration, immigration, wars, and
economical events such as the Great Depression ultimately factored in on the
progress of the musical idiom.
Lastly, the early forms of traditional and folk music associated with the
South and Appalachia were uniquely American because of the inherent melting
pot from which they developed. The young nation provided the middle ground for
a musical exchange of cultures and ideas. Without this diversity, none of these
unique qualities and characteristics could have developed.
21
CHAPTER 2
THE FIRST HILLBILLIES TO RECORD, 1922-1928
The use of the word, hillbilly, would not appear for some time in relation
with early recording artists and its association with rural traditional music. The
word itself possessed a duality not lost on poor southern whites, and the eventual
use of nomenclature signified a particular change in southern attitudes toward
expression, tradition, and rustic values and their Appalachian identity. Early
traditional musicians acclimated and co-opted the comic element inherent in
most hillbilly stereotypes, and further evidence supports a general, if not eventual
mass acceptance of the word. Finally, the word and its resonance were more
socially acceptable and its representation and ramifications required a broader
definition.
Fiddlin’ John Carson’s early success as a champion fiddler was not lost on
Ralph Peer, producer in the field, and his colleagues at Okeh records. Carson
was ultimately responsible for bringing life back to a genre of traditional music
that had been present but unknown since the beginning of the century. Actually,
students of Americana know that comic derivatives and “concert improvements “
of folksong, as well as some traditional folk music, were available on cylinder or
disc in the 1890s. The potpourri of rural dances, minstrel routines, laughing
songs, country fiddling, and concert offerings were neither integrated nor
categorized by the industry or public. However, these traditions were well
received. In the early 1900s, Alma Gluck’s “Carry Me Back to Old Virginny” was
the first Victor Red Seal disc to sell over a million copies and, needless to say,
many of the purchasers felt they were getting a real view of plantation mores.
22
Then, as now, the media offered restyled vulgarized, folk-like songs as well as
authentic pristine selections under a bewildering set of labels. The 1901
Columbia cylinder catalog identified the already traditional “Arkansas Traveler”
23
as the “description of a native sitting in the front of his hut scraping his fiddle,
answering the interruptions of the stranger with witty sallies.” But two decades
later the same piece performed by Joseph Samuels was cataloged by Okeh as
an Irish instrumental. Between 1901—1923 there existed no established
category for recorded native folk music.
24
Obviously, the music industry had no
special designation for folk or rustic music and was satisfied simply to include the
music of the Appalachians and southern highlands alongside the artists the
industry was trying to promote. Legitimacy and folk purity was an afterthought, if
a thought at all, when rural artists were recorded in this early period of the
recording industry.
Eck Robertson
First, there has been some debate concerning the first recorded hillbilly
artist. If scholars and folklorists followed a chronological timeline, then that would
place Texas fiddler Eck Robertson at the beginning. The natural starting point is
the day when Eck Robertson and his friend Henry Gilliland appeared at the Victor
studio in New York and asked for an audition. It is one of the classic stories of
country music history: both men traveling from a Confederate reunion in Virginia,
appearing in New York in a cowboy outfit (Eck) and confederate uniform (Henry),
23
Joseph Samuels, Arkansas Traveler, Okeh 45042, 1926, 78rpm.
24
Green, 207.
23
and playing for astonished executives. Gilliland happened to have a contact at
Victor—a lawyer named Martin W. Littleton who did occasional work for the
company. He invited the two fiddlers to stay with him after they got to New York
(about June 28, 1922), gave them a tour of the city, and introduced them to the
people up at the Victor studio. At this point, the assumption has always been that
Gilliland and Robertson returned on Friday, June 30, to record two duets
(“Arkansas Traveler”
25
and “Turkey in the Straw”
26
), and that Robertson
returned the following day to record two more records by himself. The implication
has been that the Victor folk were dubious about this strange music and were
cautiously testing the waters. They recorded not just two, but four, duets with
Gilliland that first day; and the following day, they recorded from Robertson not
just the four released sides, but an additional two sides that remained in the
vaults. In other words, this first session yielded ten sides, not the six previously
thought.
27
The events that were to take place next are still debated to this day. Why
would Victor take a chance on these southerners and their “wild” fiddle music?
We do not know what went on in the minds of the Victor directors—they may very
well have been charmed by the music that they heard (or by the romantic
symbols of the Old South and Old West being displayed before them)—but they
did permit the tests, and several selections were subsequently released.
25
A.C. (Eck) Robertson and Henry Gilliand, Arkansas Traveler, Victor 18956, 1922, 78rpm.
26
A.C. (Eck) Robertson and Henry Gilliand, Turkey in the Straw, Victor 19149, 1922, 78rpm.
27
Charles Wolfe, The Devil’s Box: Masters of Southern Fiddling (Nashville: Country Music
Foundation Press, 1997), 16.
24
Robertson recorded a few tunes with Gilliland, but his solo version of “Sallie
Gooden” is one of the most justly famous renditions in country music; after sixty
plus years of history, Robertson’s virtuosity still dramatically commanded the
attention of the listener.
28
The fact that Victor records had no idea what to do with this music is
noticeable in their initial handling of these early recordings. Although Victor
released a publicity blurb describing the records and although sales were
reasonably good, the company did not immediately follow through in its
exploitation of the untapped folk reservoir. In fact, Robertson himself was not
recorded again until 1930 when Ralph Peer (by then a Victor talent scout)
arranged another session for the Texas fiddler and his family. On March 29,
1923, about a year after his unsolicited New York recording session, Robertson
performed on WBAP, in New York, the two numbers he had earlier recorded,
“Sallie Gooden
29
” and “Arkansas Traveler.” These radio performances may have
been the first by a folk musician who had earlier recorded for commercial
records. In doing these numbers, in fact, Robertson—termed a “Victor artist” by
the Fort Worth Star Telegram—may have been the first country performer to plug
his recordings on a radio broadcast. This important Texas folk musician thus
played significant roles in two important commercial media whose dual
exploitation of folk talent coincidentally converged in the early twenties to
produce the brand of music which we now call country music.
30
28
Malone, 34.
29
A.C. (Eck) Robertson, Sallie Gooden, Victor 18956, 1922, 78rpm.
30
Malone, 35-36.
25
Eck Robertson would be pushed aside due to a lack of ideas in promotion
and disinterest in early country music or hillbilly recordings. Robertson would not
record again for several years. According to Charles Wolfe, all in all it was a
promising start, and with a little luck, Robertson should have had a long career
that other pioneers like Fiddlin’ John Carson and Henry Whitter had. But for
some reason he didn’t. As the country recording industry blossomed in the mid-
1920s, it somehow by-passed Robertson and many other Texas fiddlers.
31
Henry Whitter
Henry Whitter would be the next hillbilly artist to record for a commercial
recording company and like Robertson would not be recognized until after the
success of Carson. Almost a year after Robertson’s first trip to New York, a
similar incident occurred: Whitter, a textile worker, singer, and multi-
instrumentalist from Fries, Virginia, traveled uninvited to New York in March 1923
and made some test recordings for the General Phonograph Corporation. These
recordings were shelved away and remained unevaluated until Fiddlin’ John
Carson’s successful recording in June of 1923. Whitter was invited back to New
York in December of 1923, when he recorded nine numbers including
“Lonesome Road Blues”
32
and a famous song for which he claimed partial
authorship: “The Wreck on the Southern Old 97”.
33
Whitter was a good
31
Wolfe, 17.
32
Henry Whitter, Lonesome Road Blues, Okeh 40015, 1923, 78rpm.
33
Henry Whitter, Wreck On the Southern Old 97, Okeh 40015, 1923, 78rpm.
26
harmonica player (he was one of the first country musicians to use a harmonica
rack around his head), a passable guitarist, but a mediocre singer at best.
Probably Whitter’s greatest claim to fame, apart from his association with “Wreck
of the Old 97”, was his recordings with the blind fiddler and singer, George
Banman Grayson. Several of Grayson and Whitter’s songs, such as “Lee
Highway Blues”
34
, “Handsome Molly”
35
, “Little Maggie”
36
, and “Little Omie
Wise”
37
, were destined to become standards in country music. By the time
Whitter’s solo records were released in January 1924, Ralph Peer’s field
recording trips into the South were beginning to reap a rich harvest of old-time
performers and tunes.
38
Whitter’s recordings would reach and inspire Ernest “Pops” Stoneman to
write Ralph Peer. The summer of 1924 found Ernest Stoneman doing carpenter
work in Bluefield, West Virginia. For some now forgotten reason, Ernest passed
Warwick Furniture Company and heard a familiar sound. In those days,
phonographs were marketed by furniture dealers, and local retailers often played
recordings to attract attention. Stoneman got a surprise a few minutes later when
he found that the singer was none other than Henry Whitter, a man he had
34
G.B. Grayson & Henry Whitter, Going Down the Lee Highway, Victor 23565, 1929, 78rpm.
35
G.B. Grayson & Henry Whitter, Handsome Molly, Gennett 6304, 1927, 78rpm.
36
G.B. Grayson & Henry Whitter, Little Maggie with a Dram Glass in her Hand, Victor 40135,
1928, 78rpm.
37
G.B. Grayson & Henry Whitter, Little Omie Wise, Victor 21625, 1927, 78rpm.
38
Malone, 36.
27
known from his cotton-mill days at Fries.
39
The fact that Whitter was not an
amazing musician was not lost on Stoneman. This characteristic led the
generally modest Ernest Stoneman to declare to Hattie, his wife, when he went
home for the Fourth of July, “I know that I can out-sing Henry Whitter any time—if
I couldn’t, I’d quit.” Hattie replied, “Why don’t you go and make one [record]?”
40
Archie Green explains the complexities of these early recordings—the
story begins, then, in Okeh’s New York office, but this is like tagging a link in a
continuous chain. More properly it has at least five separate places of beginning:
an Atlanta’s fiddlers’ convention; a Fries, Virginia, textile mill; a Gap Creek, North
Carolina, mountain farm; a Galax, Virginia, barber shop; and curiously, a Times
Square motion picture theater. In the period June, 1923—January, 1925, Ralph
Peer was the director who brought a company of actors together from the various
locales and who integrated their skills in a drama. He welded isolates into a
movement in the sense that the hillbilly record industry achieved an esthetic unity
like other movements in art and letters. Alternative captions for Peer’s
achievements—genre, idiom, tradition—have been used to separate hillbilly
music from other forms. He and his colleagues thought of themselves only as
businessmen selling a new product—native white folksong freshly recorded and
packaged—to a buying audience from whom the music had originally come. It
took eighteen months to season Peer’s creation and another two years, January,
1925—December, 1926, to give it a broadly accepted name. There was no single
39
Ivan M. Tribe, The Stonemans: An Appalachian Family and the Music That Shaped Their Live
(Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1993), 37.
40
Ibid.
28
day in this forty-two month continuum when a given person broke a champagne
bottle and launched the vessel, Hillbilly Music.
41
The genre that eventually
became the hillbilly or old-time genre; remained nameless although popularity
and public interest had begun to rise with the introduction of a north Georgia
fiddler and master showman.
Fiddlin’ John Carson
At the beginning of the 1920s, the recording industry was eager to bolster
sales and Ralph Peer had been successful in the spring of 1920 with a young,
vaudeville singer, Mamie Smith. The singer recorded for two Okeh recording
scouts, Fred Hagar and his assistant, Ralph Peer. Miss Smith was neither a
blues singer nor a southerner (she was from Ohio), but her recording of Perry
Bradford’s “Crazy Blues” set off a boom for blues music and launched the
General Phonograph Corporation (owner of the Okeh label) into a ranking
position as a record company. A market for black music was found to exist
among blacks themselves. As yet, the record companies had not seen fit to
concentrate on the rural or “country blues” performers, and when the recording
executives learned that rural southern blacks, whether back home or in Chicago,
desired to purchase recordings by members of their own race, such enterprising
recording men as Ralph Peer resolved to venture into the South to find native
singers in their own habitats. Through this kind of scouting activity the white
hillbilly recording industry came into being.
42
41
Green, 207.
42
Malone, 35.
29
Radio would provide motivation in the recording industry to explore new
means and avenues of recording and this new innovation would play a major role
in the promotion and exposure of early hillbilly artists and their careers. In 1920-
21 the record industry had scored heavily with the rapid climb of race record star
Mamie Smith and her followers. The general post-War economy was already
sluggish, when a new competitive menace arose to challenge the medium. Radio
was still utilitarian message service during the War, but on November 2, 1920,
Pittsburgh station KDKA broadcast the Harding-Cox election returns, and soon
Westinghouse researcher Frank Conrad was reading newspapers and playing
records over and over again in his primitive studio. New York station WEAF
began selling time, and radio was on its way to big business. The record industry
was directly challenged. Almost overnight, radio sneaked into the picture and the
novelty of tuning in music and static from a distance, combined with the
convenience of no cranks to wind and no records to buy or change, began
sending sales of platters downward. Edison’s invention was in trouble in 1923.
43
Fiddlin’ John Carson was the first country artist to be recorded and
explode with success. He was born in 1868 on a Fannin County, Georgia, Blue
Ridge mountain farm and, at the age of ten, began to play his grandfather’s
instrument—a Stradivarius copy (fiddle) dated 1714, reputedly brought to the
North Georgia hills from Ireland in 1780. Carson fiddled during his years as a
young race horse jockey in Cobb County, and, when too large to ride, he
competed at the annual Atlanta Interstate Fiddlers’ Conventions. Here in the city
43
Green, 208.
30
he was able to scrape out a living with his bow between intermittent jobs as a
textile hand and building trades painter. He fiddled constantly at political rallies
for friends Tom Watson and Eugene Talmadge, on trolley cars and at street
corners presenting topical ballads to casual audiences, at the many Civic
Auditorium fiddlers’ conventions, and finally, on the then-infant radio.
44
Polk C. Brockman, an Atlanta wholesale man and Okeh’s southern
representative, had “discovered” Carson on a news reel during a visit to Times
Square and it was Brockman who suggested to Ralph Peer, Okeh’s New York
man, that he record Carson. Green elaborates, “Brockman’s business trips to
headquarters were frequent; on one such trip in early in June, 1923, he found
himself in the old Palace Theater on Times Square viewing a newsreel of a
Virginia fiddlers’ convention. Struck by a novel idea, he took out his
memorandum pad and jotted down ‘Fiddlin’ John Carson—local talent—let’s
record.’ His next step was to arrange an Atlanta recording expedition.”
45
According to Gene Wiggins in Fiddlin’ Georgia Crazy (1987), Brockman
reasoned that since Atlanta blacks had begun buying phonograph record players
in great numbers as soon as records by blues and jazz artists were released,
presumably white farmers and townsfolk would likewise be more likely to buy
phonograph record players if their preferred kind of music played and sung by
one of their own was available on phonograph records.
46
44
Ibid.
45
Ibid.
46
Gene Wiggins, Fiddlin’ Georgia Crazy: Fiddlin’ John Carson, his real world, and the World of
his Songs
(Urbana: University of Illinois, 1987), 75.
31
John Carson had already been performing several weekly programs on
WSB, the local Atlanta radio station. According to Green, on March 16, 1922, the
Atlanta Journal had established station WSB with a 100-watt transmitter as the
first commercial broadcasting unit in the South, and on June 13 it increased its
power to 500 watts. Three months later, on September 9, Fiddlin’ John Carson
made his radio debut as part of a novelty program.
47
WSB’s manager, Lamdin
Kay, put Carson on the air in 1922 for the same reason that Brockman put him
on wax in 1923, his appeal to hitherto untapped market; yet there was no direct
tie-in between WSB’s pioneer country music broadcasts and Okeh’s recordings
of the same music. Opinions vary on the exact date that Carson debuted on
WSB, according to Wiggins, the date was much closer to the beginnings of the
station, “In 1939, when John was about to play on his birthday, March 23, Ernest
Rogers wrote that he had first played on that day in 1922:
Seventeen years ago tomorrow a slender man with an engaging
smile and manner came to WSB’s studio on the fifth floor of the
Atlanta Journal Building. Under his arm was a fiddle case which
showed it had been used…and frequently. With that same friendly
smile that characterizes him now, the fiddler removed his hat and
inquired if it would be alright for him to play and sing a song or two
over WSB.
Well, it just so happened that it would be all right and so Fiddlin’
John Carson, “The First of the Hill Billies,” went on the air. As near
as we can trace it down, the first tune John played and sang was a
threnodic backwoods song called “Little Log Cabin in the Lane.”
48
He had a repertoire that apparently was limitless. He played and
sang until, shall we say, exhaustion set in. But not before he had
scored a signal triumph and the phones were jumping up and down
with requests from listeners who liked this return to the old-time
47
Green, 208.
48
Fiddlin’ John Carson, Little Old Log Cabin in the Lane, Okeh 4890, 1923, 78rpm.
32
mountain music that John Carson had been playing and singing for
years.
49
The reason that the September broadcast was memorable was due to press
coverage that followed and preceded the airing. In the month of September 1922,
John was given considerable Journal publicity. The Journal showed him with T.
M. “Bully” Brewer, guitarist; Earl Johnson, fiddler; and L.E. Akin, banjoist. The
headline “Georgia Fiddlers Invade Radio World” let the public know that what we,
the public, call country music had come to the radio.
50
Carson was a seasoned, successful musician and a favorite at fiddler’s
contests when he cut a record for Okeh on June 14, 1923. Much of lore
surrounding this record has suggested that Peer was skeptical, at best, about a
fiddler who sang and played at the same time. The oft-repeated account is that
Peer labeled him “pluperfect awful.” Peer was probably less than impressed by
the live performances of -“Little Old Log Cabin in the Lane” and “The Old Hen
Cackled and the Rooster’s Going to Crow”
51
, but there is much to suggest that
the technical results were what mainly bothered him. The recording engineers
never recorded a person who fiddled and sang into the same recording horn.
Peer did not predict much success for John’s record, but Polk Brockman insisted
on a pressing of five hundred copies for his own distribution.
52
Again, this
premise was unmistakably made clear when Carson sold out of the first five
49
Wiggins, 75.
50
Ibid, 71.
51
Fiddlin’ John Carson, The Old Hen Cackled and the Rooster’s Going to Crow, Okeh 4890,
1923, 78rpm.
52
Wiggins,75.
33
hundred copies of his first recording at a fiddler’s convention at Cable Hall
auditorium, Atlanta in 1923. Carson had the insight to play the record from stage
between rounds during the competition and it proved successful. Carson sold the
entire first pressing, then sold one thousand more copies eventually sales rose to
500,000 copies much to Peer’s surprise and elation.
53
The notion that Peer was skeptical of this “raw sounding” music from the
onset should be examined in order to understand the time frame and basic
attitudes towards rural or folk music at this time. When Peer listened to the two
songs that Carson chose to record—“The Little Old Log Cabin in the Lane” and
“The Old Hen Cackled and the Rooster’s Going to Crow”—he responded with
disbelief. He thought the singing was awful and insisted that only Carson’s fiddle
tunes be re-recorded. Brockman, however, understood the Georgia
entertainment market and realized that the small farmers and mill workers
enjoyed Carson’s vocalizing as much as his instrumental virtuosity. Unable to
conceive of a regional or national market for such items, Peer issued the record
un-catalogued, unadvertised, unlabeled, and for circulation solely in Atlanta. By
late July, when the first shipment of five hundred records had been sold and after
Brockman had ordered another shipment, Peer acknowledged his early mistake
and gave the recording the label number 4890, a move that placed the songs in
Okeh’s popular catalogue and gave them national publicity. In November, as
sales continued to mount, Carson was asked to come to New York, where he
recorded twelve more songs and signed an exclusive Okeh contract. Needless to
53
Wayne W. Daniel, Pickin’ on Peachtree: a History of Country Music in Atlanta, Georgia
(Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1990), 69.
34
say, while Ralph Peer’s esthetic appreciation of country music may not have
been improved by the incident, Fiddlin’ John nonetheless made him a believer in
the commercial value of the medium.
54
Fiddlin’ John Carson provided a rural or folk template for Peer and other
recording industry moguls to use in monopolizing and profiting from this new-
found genre. With the recording of Fiddlin’ John, the first southern white folk
musician to have his songs recorded and marketed on a commercial basis, the
hillbilly music industry began its real existence. Peer now remembered the
recorded but unreleased tunes of Henry Whitter and after Brockman gave these
a favorable review; Whitter was invited back to New York for further recordings.
The popularity shown by Carson’s, Robertson’s, and Whitter’s records
encouraged other record companies to enter the virgin hillbilly territory in order to
bolster their lagging sales capacities. In the years leading up to the Great
Depression such companies as Brunswick, Gennett, Paramount, Victor
(hesitantly), and Columbia began emulating the successful tactics used earlier by
Ralph Peer and Okeh. Essentially, such men as Frank Walker and Dan Hornsby
(both with Columbia), James O’Keefe (Brunswick), Eli Oberstein (Victor), Arthur
Satherley (American Record Company), and, of course, Ralph Peer were
businessmen who had little knowledge of music. They were, on the other hand,
unwitting folklorists who collected (and therefore preserved) an immense and
54
Malone, 37-8.
35
valuable body of musical, social, and cultural materials dealing with the rural
South.
55
Carson went to New York to record additional songs for Okeh records in
November of 1922. According to the Journal article written shortly after the trip,
John recorded fourteen sides. There is record of only twelve. At least three
possible reasons for the discrepancy can be suggested. There may have been
lost and unnoted masters; there may have been the Journal’s usual exaggeration
about John (smaller degree than usual); or the earlier Atlanta recordings may
have been included. His recording career would last another eleven years during
which he recorded some 150 sides for Okeh and about two dozen for RCA
Victor. By 1930 Carson’s career began to wane. His appearances on the radio
became less frequent, and his last recording session took place in February
1934.
56
The idea of early hillbilly recording artists seeking-out record companies
exemplifies the original pioneering spirit of their forefathers. Eck Robertson and
Henry Whitter had no idea what the “recording men” would do with their
recordings but both men knew that they wanted to record and be recorded. What
drew these two bold men from the southern part of our nation to New York to
record old, traditional songs from the past? Some scholars speculate the lure
resulted from these musicians’ infatuation with technological advancement that
included phonographs, automobiles, motion pictures, and the newly implemented
radio broadcasting equipment. Whitter and Robertson were just brave and smart
55
Malone, 38.
56
Daniel 93-4.
36
enough to understand what and how these new technologies could possibly
spread their music and possibly make them famous. These men were simply
willing to embrace the future.
The ground-breaking moment in the birth of hillbilly music was when Ralph
Peer decided to go into the South and mine for authentic folk musicians. Fiddlin’
John Carson was the successful indicator for potential success found in the
South; a South that included peaks and valleys of the Appalachian Mountains.
The mountains held, within their hills and hollows, a wealth of traditional songs,
ballads, and fiddle tunes that dated back a few hundred years. Peer and
Brockman sought these ancient tunes and authentic musicians like Carson. Their
inventive approach for seeking new musicians and their music embodied a new,
innovative model in finding folk musicians to record. Bringing the recording
process to the musicians enabled more musicians to record as well. Going into
the field in order to record regional musicians was beneficial for all parties
involved. These early field recordings quickly established a prototype for Peer
and future producers to follow.
37
CHAPTER 3
THE HILLBILLIE S AND EARLY STRING BANDS, 1924-1929
The string band was an evolutionary extension of the social gatherings
and get-togethers of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. According to
Malone, string bands were direct descendants of (and in many cases were the
same as ) the folk entertainers who played for house parties, barn dances,
church socials, tent shows, and political rallies in the decades before 1920.
String bands often incorporated the guitar and mandolin alongside the fiddle and
banjo. The incorporation of these instruments into a band format was definitely
influenced by an “opening-up” of the mountains and rural areas via the railroad.
Just like the banjo finding its way into the mountains, the mandolin and guitar
were brought in from wars, traveling workers, immigrants, and ultimately mail-
order catalogs. The railroad had a major impact on the proliferation and
adaptation of the string band.
Although the term string band did not appear on a record label until about
1925, string musicians had grouped themselves into bands since the nineteenth
century. As often the case, the term evolved long after the music had been
formed. The identity of the first recorded string band should be noted as a bit
mysterious, but if such a band can be considered as consisting of as few as two
members, then the early fiddle and banjo duos would hold the distinction.
57
The
string band would be seminal vehicle in the stellar rise of hillbilly music and
recordings.
57
Malone, 50.
38
The Skillet Lickers, 1924-1931
The hillbilly string band grew out of traditional dance music, which was
played Saturday nights in many communities in the rural South. One of the finest
and most popular of the hillbilly string bands to record during the twenties and
thirties was a group of north Georgians best known as the Gid Tanner and his
Skillet Lickers. The recording career of the Skillet Lickers began in March, 1924,
less than a year after the historic first recordings of Henry Whitter and Fiddlin’
John Carson, and continued through the end of the thirties with unabated
popularity. The Skillet Lickers were important not only because of their rich
traditional repertoire but also because of their many attempts at recording
popular music and jazz.
58
Although the main members of the Skillet Lickers
would consist of Gideon Tanner, Riley Puckett, and Clayton McMichen, the
personnel would change throughout the years.
James Gideon Tanner was born in Thomas Bridge near Monroe, Georgia,
on June 6, 1884 or 1885. When he grew up he moved to Lawrenceville, where
he owned a chicken farm. Later he moved to Atlanta and finally settled in Dacula,
Georgia. He learned to play the fiddle at age fourteen when an uncle died and
willed him an instrument. His fiddling can be heard on all but a few of his
recordings. He won many fiddling contests in Georgia, and in the twenties was a
frequent competitor of Fiddlin’ John Carson.
59
58
Norman Cohen, “The Skillet Lickers: a Study of a Hillbilly String Bad and Its Repertoire,”
Journal of American Folklore 78, No. 309 (1965): 229.
59
Ibid.
39
Gid was the most outrageous clown of all the fiddlers. Looking and
sounding funny was his specialty. A big, roan-haired, ruddy-faced oaf, he had a
deep bass and a high falsetto. He could throw his head back so far that he
looked decapitated. He could turn it around almost completely, like an owl. Many
people have seen the old 78s bearing the credits “Gid Tanner and his Skillet
Lickers with Riley Puckett and Clayton McMichen” and have assumed from the
priority given to Gid’s name that he was head musician or at least carried a large
part of the musical load. Neither was the case. His name was put first because
he had already made himself well known as a comic musician several years
before any country recordings were made.
60
The competition between Tanner and Carson was often played-up in the
local Atlanta press. Tanner was again present when the fiddlers of Georgia
convened at the Atlanta City Auditorium in 1915. A reporter at that year’s
convention called him “Gwinnett County’s Laughing Rufus,” and when Tanner
appeared on stage he used several different voices to advantage in two or three
songs he made up himself. It is said that he got frequent requests for encores
that displayed his fiddling and was often asked to perform imitations of people.
Reporters at the 1915 convention began to play up a supposed rivalry between
Carson and Tanner. It is difficult to determine from the newspaper accounts
exactly how much of the alleged rivalry was real and how much was created on
paper for the purpose of stirring up interest in the convention and attracting large
crowds for the evening performances. Master showmen that they were, Carson
60
Wiggins, 50.
40
and Tanner probably did their part to enhance the spirit of conflict, and although
they no doubt were competitive by nature, the rivalry probably was not as intense
as they, the reporters, and the convention promoters would have had their fans
believe.
61
George Riley Puckett was born near Alpharetta, Georgia, twenty-five miles
northwest of Atlanta, around 1890. At the age of three months he was blinded
when a lead acetate solution was accidentally used to treat a minor eye ailment.
In 1901 he entered the Georgia Academy for the Blind in Macon. During his
teens he lived in Atlanta, and there, at the age of twelve, began to play the five-
string banjo. Later he learned to play the guitar, which he used on all his
recordings after 1925. He made his radio debut over station WSB on September
29, 1922.
62
Puckett was not recognized usually in accounts of Atlanta fiddlers’
conventions but more than likely was in attendance. Perhaps because he was
not a fiddler, Puckett is not often mentioned in newspaper accounts of Atlanta
fiddlers’ conventions. His name in connection with these events first appears in
print in 1916 when we read in the Journal the brief statement that “the blind
banjoist” was “ready for the big doings” at the fourth annual Georgia Old-Time
Fiddlers’ Convention. Puckett’s last documented appearance at the Atlanta
fiddlers’ convention was the one held in March 1934 when he won first prize in
the banjo contest.
63
61
Daniel, 97.
62
Cohen, 230.
63
Daniel, 102.
41
Clayton McMichen was born on January 26, 1900, in Allatoona, Georgia.
His Scots-Irish ancestors came to the United States around 1800 and became
farmers. At age eleven McMichen learned to play the fiddle from his uncles and
from his father, who was a trained musician. His father played the fiddle at
square dances in the neighborhood and also played Viennese waltzes at the
uptown hotel “crinoline” dances. From his father McMichen learned his first fiddle
pieces, including “Pretty Little Widow,” “Billy in the Low Ground,” “Run Nigger
Run,” “Nancy Rollin’,” “Arkansas Traveller,” and “Durang’s Hornpipe.” There is
some indication that McMichen’s broadcasting career began even before Station
WSB started broadcasting. In the very early twenties the Georgia Railroad had a
small radio station that broadcast privately to passengers on the train for their
enjoyment, and McMichen has said that his band began its career then. He made
his first appearance on WSB on September 18, 1922; just nine days after Fiddlin’
John Carson became the first rural musician to broadcast on the newly opened
station.
64
Frank Walker, a talent scout for Columbia Phonograph Company, would
ultimately be the person responsible for recording the first string band. He had
asked Tanner in 1924 to come to New York to make some recordings and to
bring along one other person with him; he brought Riley Puckett. Tanner and
Puckett made their first recordings on March 7, 1924, and were the first Southern
rural artists to record for Columbia.
65
At these sessions, held on March 7
th
and
64
Cohen, 230.
65
Ibid.
42
8
th
, Puckett recorded six solo numbers with only his guitar as accompaniment.
These songs, which became the first released recordings by Puckett, were “Little
Old Log Cabin in the Lane,”
66
“Strawberries,”
67
and “Rock All Our Babies to
Sleep.”
68
The latter song, which became one of the top-five hillbilly songs that
year, featured Puckett’s yodeling and established him as probably the first
recorded hillbilly artist to employ that vocal device. This was three years before
Jimmie Rodgers became famous as America’s “blue yodeler.”
69
Puckett’s
importance in the Skillet Lickers was never clearly evident until later in the
careers of the Skillet Lickers.
Gid Tanner and Riley Puckett would return to New York on a second trip
to record for Columbia. In September of 1924, Puckett took along his banjo, and
on five of the resulting releases (“Sourwood Mountain,”
70
“Cripple Creek,”
71
“Georgia Railroad,”
72
“Oh! Susanna,”
73
and “Cumberland Gap”
74
) we hear
examples of his rarely recorded banjo work. Puckett’s records met with
tremendous success, and he soon became, after Fiddlin’ John Carson, the most
frequently recorded southern singer. By the end of 1925 orders for pressings of
66
Riley Puckett, Little Old Log Cabin in the Lane, Columbia 107-D, 1924, 78rpm.
67
Riley Puckett, Strawberries, Columbia 220-D, 1924, 78rpm.
68
Riley Puckett, Rock All Our Babies to Sleep, Columbia 107-D, 1924, 78rpm.
69
Daniel, 103.
70
Gid Tanner & George Riley Puckett, Sourwood Mountain, Columbia 245-D, 1924, 78rpm.
71
Gid Tanner & George Riley Puckett, Cripple Creek, Columbia rejected, 1924, 78rpm.
72
Gid Tanner & George Riley Puckett, Georgia Railroad, Columbia 15019-D, 1924, 78rpm.
73
Riley Puckett, O! Susana, Columbia 15014-D, 1924, 78rpm.
74
Gid Tanner & George Riley Puckett, Cumberland Gap, Columbia 245-D, 1924, 78rpm.
43
Puckett’s records were exceeded in number among Columbia’s artists only by
those of pop singer Vernon Dalhart.
75
The Skillet Lickers most notable recordings for Columbia began in 1926.
Tanner and Puckett were joined, in turn, by two other popular WSB performers
and Georgians, fiddler Clayton McMichen and five-string banjoist Fate Norris.
McMichen and Norris had been members of a group called the Home Town
Boys, but McMichen suggested that the new organization be called the Skillet
Lickers—after an earlier group that had played at Atlanta conventions, the Lick
the Skillet Band. In their Columbia recording period from 1926 to 1931, the Skillet
Lickers recorded, in a wild, raucous, but highly infectious style, everything from
traditional ballads, breakdowns, and rural “dramas” (humorous skits) to the latest
popular hits from Tin Pan Alley.
76
Humor, once again, a vital aspect of early
traditional music was used to increase the genre’s popularity and relate to the
general public.
The Skillet Lickers success spanned for several more years on into the
early thirties. From their first recording session in 1924 until 1931, Tanner and
Puckett recorded exclusively for Columbia Phonograph Company. All but the first
ten of their releases appeared on the Columbia 15000-D series, Columbia’s line
of hillbilly music (“familiar tunes, old and new,” as their catalogs called them)
which began in 1925 and ceased in the winter of 1932. The Skillet Lickers, best
known of the bands organized by Tanner, Puckett, and McMichen, recorded for
Columbia from 1926 to 1931, when the effects of the depression sharply curtailed
75
Daniel, 103.
76
Malone, 52.
44
the activities of the recording industry. The recording sessions (two each year
except in 1931, when there was only one) were all held in Atlanta. Personnel
were Gid Tanner and Clayton McMichen on fiddle, Riley Puckett on guitar, and
Fate Norris on banjo. Eighty-eight sides were recorded at those sessions, of
which eighty-two were issued on the Columbia 15000-D series. The records from
the first session, in April 1926, were labeled “Gid Tanner and his Skillet Lickers,
with Riley Puckett.” McMichen objected to this—and with some justice, for the
original Lick the Skillet Band had been his—and all the succeeding records were
by “Gid Tanner and his Skillet Lickers, with Riley Puckett and Clayton
McMichen.”
77
The Term “Hillbilly”
By the time the Gid Tanner and Riley Puckett had recorded their first sides
for Columbia, there had been no proper nomenclature designated for the type of
music these southern musicians were playing and eventually recording. The
talent scouts used a variety of methods to find folk talent (including newspaper
advertisements), but they all relied on local agents to supply them with names.
The scouts varied in the kind of control which they tried to exercise over the
talent which came before them. Ralph Peer, for example, encouraged the use of
traditional or old-time material, while others left the choice of songs to the
performers. Some recording sessions were conducted with meticulous care;
77
Cohen, 232.
45
others done haphazardly, almost as if the ignorant rubes who presumably bought
the records would not know the difference anyway.
78
As the number of rural bands and musicians proliferated in the mid-
twenties, observers, friendly and otherwise, were hard-pressed to find a name
that correctly described the kind of music they performed. Record company
release sheets and catalogues camouflaged the songs under a variety of
headings, most of them evoking a romanticized conception of southern rural
music.
79
It would take a band from Galax, Virginia recording in New York to give
a name to the genre that would become what is now known as country music.
The Hill Billies
The events surrounding the recording of the band and the naming of the
genre were somewhat circumstantial and could be argued that naming was a
throw-away jibe or a stereotypical afterthought. Arguably, one of the most the
most important dates in the history of country music occurred on January 15,
1925. At their first recording session for Okeh records (their second recording
session in New York), executive Ralph Peer asked musicians Al Hopkins, Tony
Alderman, John Rector, and Joe Hopkins what the name of their band was. Al
Hopkins’ immortal words to Ralph Peer were… “Call us anything you want. We’re
78
Malone, 39.
79
Ibid.
46
nothing but a bunch of hillbillies from North Carolina and Virginia anyway!” Peer
instructed the New York Okeh studios secretary to write Hill Billies in the ledger.
80
According to Archie Green, The Hill Billies humble origins began in a
barbershop in Galax—on one Monday morning in the late spring of 1924, Joe
found himself in a Galax barbershop where one young journeyman, Alonzo Elvis
“Tony” Alderman, kept a fiddle on the wall. The guitarist and fiddler became
friends at once, formed a duet on the spot, and began to make music. Tony cut
no hair for a week. On Saturday Al came for a shave—and for his brother—and
joined in the harmony. Word of the new trio reached John Rector, a Fries general
store keeper and five-string banjo player of local renown. In fact John had just
recently returned from New York City where he, Henry Whitter, and James
Sutphin had made three string-band records for Okeh as The Virginia
Breakdowners. Rector felt that the Alderman-Hopkins’ talent and his banjo could
outshine the Breakdowners. Since he was looking for an opportunity to make the
exciting New York trip to stock up on fall merchandise, he asked Al, Tony, and
Joe if they wanted to record.
81
The group’s first recording session in New York was awkward and a bit
lackluster. It took three days in Al’s 1921 model T Ford to reach the city where
Rector had arranged a session with Clifford Cairns, Victor A& R man. In the
studio Joe, John, and Tony used guitar, banjo, and fiddle while Al took vocal
leads as well as acting as the group’s leader. Also he turned the piano into a
80
Paul Ahrens,”Fiddlin’ Charlie Bowman: A 1920s East Tennessee Champion”. Bluegrass
Unlimited
. December 2001, 33
81
Green, 212
47
country music instrument—a precedent infrequently followed by subsequent
string-bands. Good techniques for recording mountain string-bands were not yet
perfected in 1924. The music was still relatively unknown in the industry; there
were problems with balance and placement.
82
Unbeaten, the group would return
to work with Mr. Peer and make history.
In January, 1925, they planned a trip to Okeh studio—this time in Rector’s
new Dodge. The weather was cold, hence they improvised a hot brick heater for
the journey. To break the long trip from Galax north, they descended on the
Hopkins family residence in Washington, D.C. for shelter. Mr. Hopkins asked his
sons and their mountain companions, “What do you hillbillies think you’ll do up
there?” His paternal jibe was to prove effective. In the city, having learned from
their previous failure with Victor, the band members were in good form. Ralph
Peer supervised the session and recorded six pieces. At the end of the last
number Peer asked for the group’s name and the rest was history. The
recording-christening date was January 15, 1925; labels, as well as dealer
release sheets were soon printed and by February the first disc with the new
band name was on the market.
83
The band was not entirely sure of their new name and was somewhat
worried about how people in the South would decipher the word. Tony seemed
particularly sensitive: “Hillbilly was not only a funny word; it was a fighting word.”
Although he had grown up in an isolated log cabin at River Hill, ten miles
southwest of Galax, he was in no sense back-woodsy or backwards. His father,
82
Ibid.
83
Green, 213.
48
Walter, was a self-educated surveyor and civil engineer, a justice of the peace,
and a man of literary and musical skill. Tony felt that his family might be critical of
the undignified name selected up North and half wished that he could reach Peer
to alter the band’s name.
84
The band did receive positive reinforcement from a hometown friend, Pop
Stoneman. Stoneman had already journeyed north on September 1, 1924, to
record for Okeh “The Ship That Never Returned/The Titanic”
85
. He, too, like
Rector, had felt that he could improve on Whitter. Stoneman’s first record was
not yet released at the time of the Hill Billies’ Okeh session. Naturally he was
most curious about their luck with Peer. In response to his query, they reported
success and the christening. Pop laughed until tears came too his eyes. “Well
boys, you have come up with a good one. Nobody can beat it.”
86
Ralph Peer may have been responsible in some regards for naming the
Hill Billies but their contact with him was limited to the one session for Okeh in
1925. Later in 1925 he left Okeh for Victor but the band that he helped launch did
not go along with him. Instead, it went over to the recently combined Vocalion-
Brunswick companies to work with A &R man Jimmie O’Keefe. All their post-
Okeh discs were released for dual sales purposes as The Hill Billies on Vocalion
and as Al Hopkins and His Buckle Busters on Brunswick. For personal dates they
used both names interchangeably. In 1929, the group hired a Washington lawyer
to incorporate their group after seeing a marquee in New York with the name
84
Ibid.
85
Ernest V. Stoneman, The Titanic, Okeh 40288, 1925, 78rpm.
86
Green, 213.
49
Ozark Hillbillies. But the gesture was of no avail. Other bands, singers, and units
in show business appropriated their name. In time, they accepted the rivalry
philosophically—especially when hillbilly became the generic term for southern
country music.
87
A vitally important and pivotal fiddlers’ convention was held in Mountain
City, Tennessee on May 8, 1925. The circumstances surrounding this event
would prove to be a major milestone in the development of country music. All the
top fiddlers of the southern region congregated in this rural setting and
competed. The fiddling competition, often overlooked as a benchmark in country
music, would be considered legendary by today’s standards. The crowd grew so
large that organizers had to relocate the contest. The organizers decided on a
local school as the best locale because of the seating and room inside the
auditorium. The crowd proved to be so formidable that the auditorium floor came
dangerously close to falling in from the weight of the spectators. This was the
contest in which Al Hopkins met Charlie Bowman who later joined the seminal
Hill Billies band. The contest also brought John Carson, Uncle Am Stuart, Charlie
Bowman, Fiddlin’ John Powers, and the members of the Hill Billies together for
the first time.
88
Radio and recordings now made it possible for these entertainers to reach
audiences beyond the scope of their local areas. One of the main reasons that
the contest was so significant is that the contestants underscored, for the first
time, the far-reaching effects of radio programming and the popularity of their
87
Ibid.
88
Joe Wilson The Hill Billies. Liner notes written by author. County Records 525, 1973.
50
recordings. Not only did radio and recordings reach a captivated audience but
now an audience was willing to spend hard earned money to see these
musicians. According to Joe Wilson, “a third surprise of the day was in store:
these musicians learned that people who knew them only from their recordings
and broadcasts were willing to lay down good money to see them in person.”
89
The cross-pollination of fiddling talents was not the only important aspect of this
event. The Hill Billies realized the potential for success in these gatherings
gained a new, revolutionary member for their band, experienced the far-reaching
power of radio, and they returned the following year.
It was in Mountain City that Charlie Bowman, a young fiddler from Gray
Station, near Johnson City, Tennessee, decided to join the Hill Billies and
become a professional musician. He was the first of many newcomers to
augment the original group’s rank. Not only did he contribute his fine talent and
humor at the time, but in later years he was to convey much of the band’s story
to discographers and folklorists. Following Mountain City, a heavy schedule of
personal appearances from South Carolina to New York commenced—at
schools, vaudeville shows, fiddler’s competitions, political rallies, and even a
White House Press Correspondents’ gathering before President Coolidge. Much
of the road work was correlated with trips to New York for recording sessions. On
their final trip early in 1929 the band made a film sound short for Vitaphone that
was released as a trailer with Al Jolson’s The Singing Fool. It was certainly the
89
Ibid.
51
first movie to couple with the sights and sounds of hillbilly music.
90
The film
portrayed the band members doing incredibly silly things and playing frenetically
upon their respective instruments. “Hillbilly” was a term that would encompass all
kinds of backwoods inhabitants, but the film documented the musicians wearing
costumes associated with mountain life. The group clearly responded to a public
conception of the hillbilly as a comic or laughable character.
91
String bands were the next step in the natural progression or evolution of
hillbilly music and their influence on the radio and sound recordings was
instrumental in the rise of popularity for the newly christened genre. There were
numerous string bands during the twenties and I have only chosen what I feel are
the pivotal musicians who enhanced the genre. Some of the other important
string bands included Stoneman’s Dixie Mountaineers, Whitter’s Virginia
Breakdowners, Carson’s Virginia Reelers, Charlie Poole and his North Carolina
Ramblers, The Tenneva Ramblers that included Jimmie Rodgers, and numerous
other string bands throughout the southeast.
The development of styles and public perception of these bands were
somewhat exploitative and opportunistic. The radio and recording entrepreneurs
definitely contributed to the shape and tone of the hillbilly bands by suggesting
band names, style of costumes, and repertory. The businessmen sensed the
public fascination with rustic types during the twenties and consequently urged
such images upon the musicians. Often the images projected by the promoters
90
Green, 214.
91
Bill C. Malone, Singing Cowboys and Musical Mountaineers (Athens: University of Georgia
Press, 1993): 77.
52
coincided with desires and self-conceptions of the musicians; there were
hillbillies who were pleased with the opportunity to perform and who had no
pretensions of being anything other than hillbillies. But there were others who
resisted the rube stereotype and who chafed at the limitations placed on their art.
Above all, the hillbilly musicians were ambivalent about their status and would
become increasingly so as the decades passed.
92
The Hill Billies and The Skillet Lickers were the first successful examples
of string bands. By no means, do these bands embody all the resources and
qualities that early string bands exemplified. The personnel of the string band
varied from band to band, region to region, and the band’s style and sound were
often dependent on the players’ skills, abilities, backgrounds, and wealth of
musical knowledge. String bands of the 1920s and 1930s were a mere reflection
of the rapidly changing social landscape.
The string band presented collective thoughts of an era. Much of these
bands’ repertoires were based squarely in the events of the day. For example,
the escalating alteration of the farms due to mechanization as well as prohibition
and morality surrounding alcohol were topical themes pursued by musicians of
this era. Uniquely humorous, the string band used their music to promote their
own opinions about the changes taking place across the nation. These hillbilly
groups were intuitive enough to understand the changing times and clever
enough sing and play about these topics in manner socially acceptable for the
92
Malone, Country Music USA, 51.
53
times. The hillbilly string bands were the forerunners to the folk singer, the
protest singer, and the country crooner.
54
CHAPTER 4
UNCLE DAVE MACON AND THE GRAND OLE OPRY, 1918-1930
The decade of the 1920s was a truly significant time in the development
and implementation of hillbilly or country music. Radio and phonograph
recordings were major innovations responsible for bringing folk music out of the
rural areas of the South and into urban centers and the hands of new listeners.
Radio was the foremost medium responsible for exposing and promoting these
new, rustic artists. With radio, the barn dance or hillbilly programs devoted time
and energy to broadcasting rural values and old time traditions that had been
intrinsically linked with southern ways of life.
One of the first barn dances to emerge in the twenties was the WSM Barn
Dance that would later be named The Grand Ole Opry by George D. Hay. The
Opry and many other radio broadcasts like the WLS “Barn Dance” in Chicago
materialized during a time of tremendous demographic, social, and economic
change in the South. Across the region millions or rural people—black and
whites, men and women—were leaving the countryside to live and work in
southern and northern cities. In 1890 a bit more than ten percent of the region’s
population lived in urban areas; by 1930 this figure had swelled to nearly one
third. Nashville, the home of the Opry, underwent tremendous growth in the
1920s as rural people poured into the city from the towns, hamlets, and farms of
the Tennessee countryside. This “southern great migration” came to transform
55
the region, laying the foundations for today’s modern, urban south.
93
Not only did
this great migration affect these southern cities but also a great deal of northern
cities swelled with these hillbilly radio programs and barn dances. Hillbilly and
old-time programs could be heard in Chicago, Detroit, Indianapolis, and
Columbus.
The Grand Ole Opry
The origin of the Opry is a well-known tale that has been retold and
recounted in a number of different ways throughout the years. On November 28,
1925, young George Hay sits an old white-bearded man before one of the
station’s newfangled carbon mikes. He lets him play a few fiddle tunes. The
switchboard lights up and telegrams pour in. The old man, Uncle Jimmy
Thompson, plays an hour, and across the country listeners scramble for
earphones to their old crystal radio sets. Hay gets an idea: why not have a
regular weekly show of this sort of stuff? Soon he is besieged by pickers and
fiddlers of every variety: “We soon had a good-natured riot on our hands,” he
recalled. The show was off and running.
94
The far-reaching effects of radio were not lost on the founders of the
National Life and Accident Insurance Company, brothers Cornelius and Edward
Craig. In 1925 work began on a radio station, to be located on the fifth floor in a
building on Seventh Avenue in downtown Nashville, only a few blocks from the
93
Louis M. Kyriakoudes, “The Grand Ole Opry and the Urban South,” Southern Cultures (Spring
2004): 69.
94
Charles K. Wolfe, a Good-Natured Riot: The Birth of the Grand Ole Opry (Nashville: Vanderbilt
University Press, 1999), 4.
56
state capitol and on a hill commanding most of the town. The station was not
seen so much as a corporate investment as simply an elaborate advertisement.
The company quickly associated itself with the new station’s call letters: WSM
stands for the slogan “We Shield Millions,” capitalizing on the shield used in the
company’s logo since its inception. The station went on the air on October 5,
1925. It began broadcasting with one thousand watts of power, making it one of
the two strongest stations in the South, and stronger than 85 percent of all the
other broadcasting stations in the country at the time.
95
By the time Hay assumed control of the station format, Dr. Humphrey Bate
and his band, Uncle Dave Macon, and Sid Harkreader had performed on the
WSM broadcast but not with any kind of format or regularity. In October 1925 all
the basic elements for the Opry were in place: a powerful radio station located in
an area rich in folk tradition; a backing company with impressive assets and a
dedication to principles of commercial radio; and an eager and enthusiastic
audience just learning and growing accustomed to the benefits of a new
entertainment medium.
96
The station’s far-reaching influence was felt throughout
the southeast and the lower part of the United States. The radio waves that
permeated the hills, valleys, and ridges brought the outside world into the
mountain south.
The origins of the Opry show clearly how the program functioned as an
urban institution that worked to reshape both the rural and urban South and
redefining white southern life. Developing out of the close interaction between the
95
Ibid, 5.
96
Ibid, 6.
57
culture of the rural South and imperatives of the twentieth-century business
enterprise, the radio program was both a product of and an agent in the
modernization of the rural South. In creating a rural vaudeville show for the radio,
Hay constructed a radio stage upon which white southerners could project their
nostalgia for elements of a fading rural culture as well as their anxieties about
urban life without actually surrendering their desire for the products and ways of
modernity. The Opry’s inclusion of blackface and other elements borrowed from
minstrelsy aided newly arrived white migrants in clarifying racial as well as social
boundaries in the new world of the city.
97
With an ever-evolving social
landscape, the Opry provided a reflective counterpoint to the modern,
urbanization of the South and nation as a whole.
Radio was a revolutionary agent because it brought city and countryside
together. By bridging these two vastly different worlds, the medium succeeded in
altering the isolation and insular aspect of rural life. According to Randall
Patnode, the periodical press of the 1920s attempted to promote the value of
radio for all Americans in part by focusing on how it was adopted by farmers, the
group that could potentially benefit most from the new technology. Isolated from
the urban centers and cut off from such urban-based entertainment as theaters
and music halls, farmers were depicted by the popular press as ideally positioned
to profit from what radio did best, bridge large distances and provide abundance
of information and amusement. In focusing on radio’s potential to redeem rural
America, press accounts exaggerated the shortcomings of farm life, casting the
97
Kyriakoudes, 69.
58
farmer as an anti-modern “other” and indirectly lending support to an increasingly
urban and modern way of life.
98
With the onset of radio, rural isolation barriers
were quickly dissolved and the great expanse between country and city was
dramatically lessened.
Phonographs and radio were the most evident means of promotion for
hillbilly artists in the 1920s. Many amateur performers found it possible to earn a
living playing country music thanks to new technologies of radio, phonograph,
auto, and the all-weather roads that increasingly spread throughout the
countryside. Performers played on the air for little or no pay in order to gain a
regional reputation and earned a living by playing at dances, fairs, and festivals
within the range of the radio station and the auto. While groups could eke out a
marginal existence in all parts of the country, those working in the Southeast
prospered because the greater density of country music fans in the region made
the radio-plus-touring pattern more lucrative. Ambitious performers were
increasingly drawn to Southeast by the lure of larger more stable income.
99
Not
only did the South provide income and an audience for these performers, the
Opry combined the stage and radio into a combined, centralized entity.
98
Randall Patnode, “What These People Need is Radio: New Technology, the Press, and
Otherness in 1920s America,”
Technology and Culture 44 (2004): 285.
99
Richard A. Peterson and Paul Di Maggio, 500.
59
Hay’s Vision of Hillbilly Authenticity.
George Hay had a notion of what folk music was and was ever ready to
develop and cultivate his notion. At first Hay seemed to make no clear distinction
between “old-time tunes” and “folk tunes”: the former he seemed to see as any
older, nineteenth century, pre-jazz-age music, with its appeal not so much
cultural geography as simple nostalgia. This philosophy was apparent when the
early Saturday-night programs contained band music, barbershop quartets, bird
imitators, even musical saws, acts that were “old-time” mainly by virtue of their
nostalgic content. But gradually Hay began to focus his definition of what he
meant when he said, “Keep it down to earth.” He began to use the term folk to
describe some of his musicians.
100
Hay’s vision of himself as a preserver of American folk culture did not fully
emerge until after the Opry had become an established institution. Hay asserts
that he perceived the value of traditional music as early as 1919 when he made
his trip into the Arkansas Ozarks. Perhaps so, but his posture in the earliest days
of the Opry was to maintain hillbilly music simply because it was popular; the
idealistic underpinning came after the program had established itself. Whatever
he personally thought about the music, Hay sensed that it was very popular with
Southern audiences and sought ways to exploit this popularity. Others who had
exploited the music had done so by creating hillbilly stereotypes. In California the
group called the Beverly Hill Billies were discovered “rusticating” up in the
mountains; in Washington, D.C., Al Hopkins and His Hill Billies dressed in
100
Wolfe, 12-13.
60
overalls; in Atlanta a sophisticated jazz-tinged fiddler named Clayton McMichen
was made lead fiddler in a band called the Skillet Lickers and participated in
skits about moonshine and “revenooers.” Thus by the late 1920s, Hay had plenty
of patterns to follow as he began image-building for his Opry musicians.
101
The
hillbilly stereotype had permeated print and written local color accounts of the
south and southern Appalachians as early as the mid-nineteenth century.
To authenticate real “folk-i-ness”, Hay perpetuated hillbilly stereotypes and
imagery. The hayseed image of the Opry and its performers was largely Hay’s
creation. As the Barn Dance program of the mid-1920s grew into the Grand Ole
Opry, Hay consciously developed hillbilly personas from his leading acts. Most of
the early performers were country-born, but they all had experienced urban life.
Uncle Dave Macon, Fiddlin Sid Harkreader, Deford Bailey, and Dr. Humphrey
Bate, in particular, hailed from the countryside around Nashville. Macon had
spent his formative adolescent years living in downtown Nashville where his
parents operated a hotel catering to traveling vaudevillians. It was here that Joel
Davidson, a prominent late-nineteenth-century vaudevillian, taught Macon the
banjo. Macon was a seasoned veteran of the southern vaudeville circuit well
before he joined the radio program. Sid Harkreader and Deford Bailey both
migrated to Nashville from rural middle Tennessee as young men in search of
work and were living in the city when the WSM radio began broadcasting string-
band music in 1925. Humphrey Bate was called “Doctor” because of his
Vanderbilt University M.D. degree. At first performers insisted upon arriving at the
101
Ibid, 14.
61
studio sporting their Sunday best. Only later did Hay encourage the acts to
devise cornpone names such as the Fruit Jar Drinkers, Clodhoppers, and
Possum Hunters, and then pose before the publicity photographer in overalls and
wide-brimmed straw hats standing alongside hay bales and pig sties.
102
The old-time aspect was evidently present in these early performances but
there were other influences in the development of the Opry. The early Opry acts
owed much to the conventions of vaudeville, burlesque, and minstrelsy. The
earliest broadcasts often featured popular vaudeville acts that happened to be
passing through town, and white participants wanted to advertise their
performances over the airways. Rather quickly, though, the program settled on a
format that stressed old-time music. Yet, even then, veteran vaudevillians Uncle
Dave Macon, Ed McConnell, and the blackface duos of Lasses and Honey and
Jamup and Honey remained among the most popular performers on the
program.
103
The presence of vaudevillian performers was definitely a key aspect
in the early stages of the Opry and their influence had a major impact on the
hillbilly comic elements of the Opry.
Uncle Dave Macon
One of the most famous hillbilly musicians to grace stage, radio, and
phonograph was “Uncle” David Harrison Macon. Macon, the son of a former
Confederate army officer, was born in 1870 near McMinnville, Tennessee, about
sixty miles southeast of Nashville. As a teenager he lived for a few years in
102
Kyriakoudes, 71.
103
Ibid, 75.
62
Nashville where his parents operated the old Broadway Hotel. The hotel catered
to vaudeville and circus performers, and by his middle teens Uncle Dave had
grown to love music and the performing traditions of the nineteenth century
banjo. In 1885, when he was fifteen, he got his first banjo. In his own words, it
was Joel Davidson, “a noted comedian and banjoist…that inspired Uncle Dave to
make his wishes known to his dear aged mother and she gave him the money to
purchase his first banjo.” But long before Macon had seen Joel Davidson in Sam
McFlynn’s circus and had begun absorbing nineteenth century vaudeville
traditions, he had been exposed to another powerful influence, rural black folk
music. A 1926 account of Uncle Dave reports that “born on a farm in Warren
County, Tennessee, he learned the tunes of the darkies.” Uncle Dave did not
hesitate to acknowledge his debt to African-Americans for an inspiration and
sources for much of his repertoire. Indeed, he seemed to take the interplay
between white and black music for granted.
104
The influence of African-American
music was definitely a key element in early hillbilly music and was made evident
by Uncle Dave and the early artists of the genre.
Uncle Dave has become an iconic symbol of old-time music, the Opry,
and the early hillbilly musicians. The early Opry performers acquired mythological
status and grandiose personas not unlike other folk iconoclasts such as Davy
Crockett, Daniel Boone, and John Henry. Uncle Dave was no exception to the
rule and was a colorful character in the truest sense. When he was nineteen
Uncle Dave married and began farming in the small community of Kittrell, near
104
Wolfe, 103.
63
Murfreesboro, Tennessee. He played and sang informally, for both himself and
his friends, and casually developed a repertoire of songs from both oral and
written sources. Before long, he formed the Macon Midway Mule and Wagon
Transportation Company, hauling freight and produce with mule teams. Many
old-timers in the area still recalled Macon singing as he drove his team along.
The daughter of a grocer on the Murfreesboro public square recalled that when
Uncle Dave delivered produce and goods to her father’s store that he would
make up impromptu songs about what he had—much in the vein of a street
caller. In 1920 Uncle Dave became a victim of technological unemployment: a
truck line started in competition with Macon Midway, and Uncle Dave simply
chose not to compete. At age fifty, he began thinking of starting a new career in
music.
105
Most accounts of Uncle Dave’s first performances are in agreement but
some do vary. According to Stacy Harris, wider recognition came to Uncle Dave
after an incident in 1918, when he was forty-eight years old. A farmer asked
Macon to perform at a party. Dave did not especially like the farmer and did not
want to perform for him. So he said he would play for fifteen dollars, thinking, of
course, that he would be turned down. To Macon’s surprise, however, the farmer
agreed, and Dave felt that he had to live up to his end of the bargain. That was
fortunate, because one of the guests at the party was a talent scout.
106
Some accounts vary concerning the relationship between the first
performance and this Loew’s theater talent scout. Charles Wolfe recounts the
105
Ibid, 104.
106
Stacy Harris, Comedians of Country Music (Minneapolis: Lerner Publications, 1978): 13.
64
events in a somewhat different light, it was at about the time when Uncle Dave
gave up the freight hauling business that he visited relatives in Arkansas and was
encouraged to begin making formal public appearances. The next year saw
Uncle Dave’s first public performance, a charity event in Morrison, Tennessee.
Macon recalled: “The Methodist church there needed a new door. I gave a show,
then passed the hat and collected the money, seventeen dollars.” Two years
later a talent scout for the Loew’s vaudeville circuit heard him at a Shriner’s
benefit in Nashville and offered him several hundred dollars a week to do a stand
in Birmingham. The engagement was wildly successful—a two-week stint was
extended to five weeks, and the theater managers were cited by the fire
department for overcrowding. Uncle Dave was now a professional musician. He
next found himself booked in the Loew’s theater chain around the country.
107
Regardless of the uncertainty surrounding his rise in popularity, Dave was
successful enough to begin touring and establish himself as a vaudeville star
long before recording and the Opry. As with many other early hillbilly artists, the
vaudeville circuit provided stable income for these musicians and was regular
enough to eke out an existence.
By the early twenties Uncle Dave found himself touring the country as a
solo act and soon realized that he would need a backup man to complete the act.
In 1923, Uncle Dave was playing in Charlie Melton’s barbershop in Nashville
when the young Sid Harkreader happened to walk in with his fiddle under his
arm. The two began playing and Macon was impressed enough with
107
Wolfe, 104.
65
Harkreader’s ready wit, musicianship, and versatility. Sid could sing and second
on guitar as well as play the fiddle. Macon engaged Sid for some bookings, and
soon the pair was burning up the Loew’s circuit in the South. They worked
together throughout 1924, and by early 1925 Macon had added a third member
to his team, a buck-dancer named “Dancing Bob” Bradford.
108
Another
barbershop meeting that proved to be a pivotal moment in the development of
hillbilly music and eventually country music in general.
Uncle Dave’s popularity led to the Sterchi Brothers Furniture Company,
regional distributor of Vocalion Records, convincing Uncle Dave to make records.
Uncle Dave’s recording career began in 1924, when he and fiddler Sid
Harkreader recorded fourteen sides for Brunswick-Vocalion in New York. His first
session included some of his most popular songs, such as “Keep My Skillet
Good and Greasy,”
109
as well as the first song to carry “hillbilly” in its title:
“Hillbillie Blues.”
110
In later sessions beginning in 1926, he was generally
supported by those talented brothers from Tennessee, Sam and Kirk McGee,
and by old-timer fiddler Mazy Todd. Their 1927 sessions resulted in some of the
most exciting string band sounds heard on records.
111
According to Wolfe, Uncle Dave’s records were so successful that he was
repeatedly called back into the studio during the 1920s; he recorded in New York
several times a year. Many of his songs were genuine folk songs similar to the
108
Ibid.
109
Uncle Dave Macon, Keep My Skillet Good and Greasy, Vocalion 14848, 1924, 78rpm.
110
Uncle Dave Macon, Hill Billie Blues, Vocalion 14904, 1924, 78rpm.
111
Malone, Country Music USA, 74.
66
kind that Cecil Sharp collected, but others were old vaudeville songs, blues, old
popular songs, and old hymns. On many of the records he introduced the songs
with a story or a joke and often mentioned his friends and neighbors in
Tennessee by name. Uncle Dave somehow wanted to make each record sound
more personal, to get across with each song some of his own high spirits and
good humor.
112
The aspect of humor intermingled with down-home sentiment
were some of the main components of early hillbilly entertainers. Humor, above
all, was a major attraction to the radio listeners, record producers, and fans alike.
The alternating sidemen, Sid Harkreader and Sam McGee, offered a
fascinating and often engaging contrast in the principles of musicianship and
performance. Sid and Sam were awfully distinctive as musical companions for
Uncle Dave Macon. One the one hand, Sid Harkreader was a thin, angular,
almost ascetic-looking man, thoroughly professional and rather intense about his
music. He was an interpreter rather than a creator and at home with a fiddle as a
guitar. He also fancied himself somewhat of a crooner. Sam McGee, on the other
hand, was lively and impetuous, always ready for a joke, and one of the most
creative guitarists in country music history. At times Uncle Dave felt uneasy with
both men. Sid was sometimes a little too serious for him, and Sam’s guitar and
banjo virtuosity sometimes threatened to overshadow his own talents.
113
McGee
would prove the consummate showman for Uncle Dave, and one of the major
reasons was McGee’s sense of humor.
112
Charles Wolfe, Tennessee Strings: The Story of Country Music in Tennessee (Knoxville:
University of Tennessee Press, 1977): 35.
113
Wolfe, A Good-Natured Riot, 106.
67
The early days of WSM and the Opry have been remembered in a number
of ways but generally the accepted chronology gives Uncle Dave and Sid
Harkreader precedence as the first performers on WSM over Uncle Jimmy
Thompson and Hay’s memorable night. According to Wolfe the events unfolded
in this manner: on November 6, 1925; Uncle Dave and Harkreader performed in
a special, live show for an annual Policeman’s Benefit at the Ryman Auditorium
and “set hundreds to stomping their feet.” The show was advertised as “An
Evening with WSM” and urged listeners “to see these artists that you listen to
every night.” On November 28, George Hay lets Uncle Jimmy Thompson play,
thus launching the Barn Dance. On December 26, Macon joins Uncle Jimmy for
and hour or two of familiar tunes. The common story holds, then, that Uncle Dave
appeared on WSM’s Barn Dance program shortly after Thompson’s debut. This
is refuted by newspaper files from those months. Hay was not hired until the
week of November 6, 1925. The November 6
th
WSM broadcast on which
Harkreader and Macon first appeared was a hallmark because it was broadcast
from the Ryman Auditorium the building that was later to become the shrine of
the Grand Ole Opry. Thus, Uncle Dave likely had more to do with establishing
the Barn Dance (Opry) than he is generally given credit for.
114
Ironically, Macon
was to perform less than the other performers on the Barn Dance in the months
that followed.
Uncle Dave preferred performances to radio and generally thought that
there was more money to be made in personal appearances. But if Uncle Dave
114
Ibid, 107.
68
was in on the Barn Dance during its first months, he was hardly a regular for the
next three to four years. One obvious reason was the money: WSM was not
paying at all at first, and even when pay began, Uncle Dave could spend his time
much more profitably in other media. So Macon would spend much of summer
and spring touring and appear on the radio mostly in the winter months when
roads were bad. In 1928, for example, he appeared on the Opry only four
times.
115
This pattern of touring would become commonplace for many Opry
performers in years to come. Touring and public appearances, in general, were
the most profitable for these early hillbilly musicians.
The Great Depression of the late twenties and early 1930s was not kind to
Uncle Dave Macon or the other early hillbilly performers. The depression brought
an end to Macon’s relationship with Brunswick-Vocalion. Both touring and
recording were drying up. Uncle Dave did his last session in Knoxville in March
1930. It was a special occasion for him, for it marked the recording debut for his
son Dorris. He was therefore considerably angered when Brunswick failed to
release a single one of the sides. Sid Harkreader recalled that he thought some
sort of technical flaw in the records prevented their release, but Uncle Dave
would not hear of this and severed his long recording relationship with
Brunswick. At once he set up a session with rival company Okeh and with Sam
McGee did a memorable series for them in December 1930. This date, in
Jackson, Mississippi, produced at least two masterpieces, “Tennessee Red Fox
Chase”
116
and the topical “Wreck of the Tennessee Gravy Train.”
117
But most of
115
Ibid, 108.
116
Uncle Dave Macon, Tennessee Red Fox Chase, Okeh 45507, 1930, 78rpm.
69
the session, like the last Brunswick one, was not issued. Recovered test
pressings from the Okeh date show that the music was fine, as usual. Okeh’s
failure to issue was because no one had money to buy records at the time.
Altogether in 1930, Macon recorded some eighteen sides but, sadly, saw only six
released.
118
The lack of a record-buying public would force Uncle Dave back to
the medium that he had forgone a few years earlier; the radio and the Opry.
In 1930 Uncle Dave began to appear on the Grand Ole Opry regularly, his
return to the radio was greatly appreciated by his fans. He appears in the radio
logs with regular slots on almost every Saturday program, usually accompanied
by his son Dorris. His audience was waiting for him when he took his place
among the WSM regulars, and he quickly became the most popular attraction on
the show. Before the WSM Artists Bureau had mastered the art of setting up
successful tours, popularity in those days was measured by the amount of mail a
performer received. Uncle Dave customarily received more mail than anyone
else, with the occasional exception of the Delmore Brothers. Uncle Dave would
eventually tour and record with the Delmore Brothers based upon the popularity
of these performers.
119
Macon, with the aid of the Delmore Brothers would return
to the recording studio for Bluebird, a label developed by Victor Recording
Company and financially aimed at the recovering, record-buying public.
117
Uncle Dave Macon, Wreck of the Tennessee Gravy Train, Okeh 45507, 1930, 78rpm.
118
Wolfe, A Good-Natured Riot, 110.
119
Ibid.
70
Uncle Dave Macon embodied a nineteenth century entertainer spirit that
projected, promoted, and recalled the rural traditions of an ever-changing South
and landscape. Old-time music made the Grand Ole Opry immensely popular
with its southern audiences during the twenties and thirties. However, the
popularity of old-time music on the Opry was not solely rooted in nostalgia for
times long past. The program’s musicians often addressed the ambivalence rural
southerners held towards modernization, alternately praising and damning the
changes sweeping the countryside. In doing so, the Opry performers stood at the
forefront of a larger trend of creating a new southern music that had roots in the
region’s rural and cultural past but spoke to the concerns and anxieties of a
present undergoing rapid change.
120
Uncle Dave, like other Opry performers,
was actively engaged in a musical love-hate treatment concerning modernization
of the rural South. These performers’ ambivalence towards change was
instrumental in the acclimation for southern migrants flocking to northern cities
and urban centers of the South.
The migration of southern rural and southern Appalachians to the larger,
urban centers in the North and South provided a backdrop for the initial success
of hillbilly music and the Opry. Hillbilly music eventually developed later into the
modern country music machine in Nashville, Tennessee. The modest beginnings
of hillbilly radio, phonographs, and performances should be remembered as a
major catalyst in the expansion of a major music industry; furthermore, their
120
Kyriakoudes, 75.
71
influences on southern whites and on southern Appalachia’s evolution into the
modern twentieth century cannot be underestimated or overlooked.
Uncle Dave, along with the other Opry stars and radio personalities,
cushioned the transformation of rural-to-urban migration of the 1920s and 1930s.
With their nostalgic flair and comedic personas, the hillbilly radio musicians
presented entertainment for a changing era. These musicians represented
something often remembered by the radio listeners, home sweet home. As time
ushered in new technologies and new modes of life, hillbilly performers were
representative of an era of simplicity and promise.
72
CHAPTER 5
EARLY HILLBILLY STEREOTYPES, 1820-1939
The idea of mountain people carrying guns, playing fiddles, drinking,
feuding, and making moonshine began to be associated with southern
Appalachians in early literature as early as the mid-1800s. Information about the
area and its inhabitants was limited and came largely through few legitimate
channels. A general consensus about Appalachia nonetheless emerged in the
popular culture: Appalachia was a place apart, a different and sometimes
dangerous place, a place whose people possessed only the mere rudiments of
civilization. Largely created by outsiders, these popular notions of the region
emerged in the mid-to-late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in the
writings of short-story authors, novelists, missionaries, social workers, handicraft
organizers, and academics whose work forged a remarkably enduring stereotype
of the region and its people.
121
The frontier provided an inordinate amount of
inspiration for misconceptions and misinformation in early nineteenth century
writing. Davy Crockett’s Crockett Almanacs were some of the first writings to
touch on the hillbilly persona. After the real David Crockett died in Texas
defending the Alamo, the mythic “Davy” Crockett, a mixture of superhuman
frontiersman and comical hick, lived in the popular Crockett Almanacs series of
121
Katie Algeo, “Locals on Local Color: Imagining Identity in Appalachia,” Southern Cultures 4.4
(2003):27-54.
73
the 1840s and 1850.
122
Not the first portrayal of the rural comedian but certainly
one of the earliest to be featured in a series.
Some of the earliest generalized misconceptions about rural southerners
and mountain people began with local color writers who traveled into the lower
South and reported what they saw during their limited excursions. The local color
writers of the late 1800s were largely responsible for combining the hillbilly image
with that of the frontiersman or mountaineer. By the time the Arkansas Traveler
was becoming iconicized in the decades immediately following the Civil War,
descriptions and images of rustic rubes, impoverished southern whites, and
frontier inhabitants had developed for well over 100 years and were established
in American culture. These separate depictions not only continued to appear in
various cultural formats throughout the twentieth century, but they also began to
coalesce into a new self-contained image linked to specific geographic locale—
the dualistic icon of the hillbilly-mountaineer.
123
A large percentage of
documentations and writings from the mid to late nineteenth century
sensationalized the hillbilly icon for the sake of selling magazines or books and
were usually grossly exaggerated. Many writers from this period became quite
popular using local-color writing styles which eventually led to the recognition and
popularity of latter writers such as John Fox, Jr. and Mary Noailles Murfree.
Writing about the South, and more specifically Appalachia, became a
central theme for these writers around the time of industrial modernization and
122
Anthony Harkins, Hillbilly: A Cultural History of an American Icon, (New York: Oxford
University Press, 2004): 22.
123
Ibid, 29.
74
agrarian mechanization. As society became more urbanized and less agrarian,
literature reflected these changes by essentially denying the past and origins of
its members. An easy way to separate or distance oneself from the past was to
simply satirize or exaggerate the present. The money-making, entertainment
incentive of these stories and travelogues ultimately focused on, falsely
represented, and established the misconceived image of the mountaineer and
later, the hillbilly.
A false notion of the Appalachian people emerged and contributed to the
erroneous stereotyping of a region as well as a re-writing of indigenous people’s
history. In Beyond Isolation and Homogeneity: Diversity and the history of
Appalachia (1999), Ronald L. Lewis makes his point:
Appalachia is a region without a formal history. Born in the fertile minds of
late-nineteenth century local-color writers, “Appalachia” was invented in the
caricatures and atmospheric landscapes of the escapist fiction penned to
entertain the emergent urban middle class. The accuracy of these stories and
travelogues, the dominant idioms of this genre, generated little or no critical
evaluation of their characterization of either mountain people or the landscape
itself.
124
The outsider’s viewpoint eventually established the country’s idea of Appalachia
and its inhabitants. Harry Shapiro relates his ideas of an intellectual and cultural
gulf as an “otherness” in his book, Appalachia on Our Mind: The Southern
Mountains and Mountaineers in the American Consciousness, 1870-1920.
124
Ronald L. Lewis, “Beyond Isolation and Homogeneity: Diversity and the History of
Appalachia,” in
Confronting Appalachian Stereotypes: Back Talk From An American Region, eds.
Dwight B. Billings, Gurney Norman, and Katherine Ledford (Lexington: University of Kentucky
Press, 1999), 21.
75
(1978)
125
In his discussion of the origins of local color, Shapiro began with a
writer, Will Wallace Harney, who journeyed to the Cumberland Mountains in the
fall of 1869 and wrote about his experiences in the region for Lippincott’s
Magazine. His article was published in 1873 with the title “A Strange Land and
Peculiar People,” which contained anecdotes of the hardships of travel and little
stories of Civil War days in the mountains but hardly any word to justify a title like
the one Harney gave to his story.
126
Harney’s sense of “otherness” for Appalachia became a common
misconception of the region and its people. By an act that itself was conditioned
by the demands of his literary medium, Harney made the southern mountains
and mountaineers available subjects for literary treatment. In a real sense it was
Harney and the editors of Lippincott’s who discovered Appalachia, for they were
the first to assert that “otherness” that made of mountainous portions of eight
southern states a discrete region, in but not of America, and after 1890, seemed
to place Appalachia and America in radical opposition.
127
The separation between Appalachia and the rest of the country created a
double interest in the region. This fascination with an Appalachian “otherness”
was a cornerstone in the growing missionary movement of the late nineteenth
and early twentieth centuries. This distinctiveness also led local progressives like
William Goodell Frost to praise the mountaineer as offspring of the founding
125
Henry D. Shapiro, Appalachia on Our Mind: The Southern Mountains and Mountaineers in the
American Consciousness, 1870-1920
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1978): 4.
126
Ibid.
127
Ibid, 4-5.
76
fathers and the progeny of our great country. Frost’s famous article, “Our
Contemporary Ancestors in the Southern Mountains,” signified a maturation of
the concept of “otherness” or as Appalachia as a culturally and spatially remote
remnant of a bygone era. Frost described the mountain people as “eighteenth
century neighbors” who were pure Anglo-Saxons “beleaguered by nature” and
“one of God’s grand divisions” living in Appalachian America.
128
Frost’s intent
was obviously aimed at brokering support for his missionary work in the area.
Again, the people of Appalachia co-opted to further an enterpriser’s agenda at
the cost of their own cultural legitimacy.
Frost’s romanticization of Appalachia was not malicious. He struggled to
correct the more vicious portraits of gun-toting feudists, moonshiners, “white
trash,” and lazy “hillbillies”. In an era of post-Reconstruction hand-wringing, he
sought to depict a pro-Unionist Southern Appalachia that could serve as a bridge
for national reconciliation. In fact, serving in 1890s as president of Berea College,
a pioneering school founded as an abolitionist institution in eastern Kentucky,
Frost embodied the late-nineteenth-century missionary spirit that desperately
championed the Unionist mountain whites, a supposedly singular ethnic group
left behind by progress and held back by the physical nature of their
surroundings.
129
Interest in the Appalachian region in the late nineteenth century increased
as access to the region became easier. The industrial sector of America became
128
Lewis, 21.
129
Jeff Biggers, The United States of Appalachia: How Southern Mountaineers Brought
Independence, Culture, and Enlightenment to America
, ( Emeryville, Shoemaker & Hoard, 2006):
146.
77
aware of the great wealth of natural resources in the area and at the same time
the northern missionary movements found their calling in the impoverished hill
people of the southern mountains. These two major forces were able to infiltrate
the mountains and their impact was felt throughout the Appalachian region.
As travel into the mountains increased and became safer and easier,
different classes, races, and cultures began to mix more frequently. The railroad
was the major innovation that led to the diversification of Appalachia. The railroad
played a key role in opening up new industrial possibilities and linking most rural
communities to a rapidly expanding market economy. By 1890 nine of every ten
southerners lived in a railroad county, and railroad construction touched the lives
of people all along the track, providing markets for garden, farm, and forest
produce and labor opportunities for tie cutters and rail builders.
130
Railroads were
catalytic in breaking down isolation and information barriers in the southern
mountains. Modernity, with all of its negative aspects, did lessen the isolation and
otherness that Appalachia had come to be known for in the late nineteenth
century.
Mining the Misconception
Stereotyping or generalizing a class or group of people in order to
marginalize them has been taking place as long as man has walked the earth.
The word, hillbilly, instantly evokes demeaning imagery within an instant of its
utterance. Mass media has been most responsible for the ideas associated
130
Bill C. Malone, Don’t Get above Your Raisin’: Country Music and Southern Working Class,
(Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2002): 23.
78
concerning hillbillies, mountain people, or poor southern whites. Local color
writers may have brought some of this imagery to the forefront in America but
these misnomers and denigrations had been going on long before writers made
their way into the hills and hollers.
The literary use of a fool or rube can be traced back as far as the Bible.
The fool defined as, someone who openly challenges God and was defiant, or a
person that was not pious or holy. He can be easily dismissed because the fool
or rube was outside of modern society. Sandra L. Ballard describes the fool in
biblical terms:
A fairly traditional example of this type of fool is one who challenges God.
Medieval fools, often cast in the role of disputers with a deity or with a secular
source of power, appear in drawings alongside texts of Psalms 14 and 53, where
the psalmist wrote, “The fool has said in his heart, there is no God.” Images of
the fool reveal his rustic, ragged poverty—his clothes barely cover him, or he is
naked to the waist.
131
Ballard also discusses Shakespeare’s use of the fool in his literary works.
Shakespeare’s fools, who possessed flat, predictable attributes, enjoyed similar
sanctioned exemptions that allowed them to be truth-tellers. The fool’s function
was to speak truth to power. In general terms, then, one way to look at the
“hillbilly fool” is as a “ritual clown” who mocks power by challenging God
(morality) or some other authority figure. The hillbilly fool may get his way without
trying because his actions are based on common sense and honesty, exposing
base ignorance and greed of someone with more power who considers himself
131
Sandra L. Ballard, “Where Did Hillbillies Come From: Tracing Sources of the Comic Hillbilly
Fool in Literature,”
in Confronting Appalachian Stereotypes: Back Talk From An American
Region
, eds. Dwight B. Billings, Gurney Norman, and Katherine Ledford (Lexington: University of
Kentucky Press, 1999), 140.
79
superior.
132
Simplicity reveals an unknown moral side to the hillbilly rube or fool.
This simplistic ideology was an attractive attribute moving through the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
The popularization of the hillbilly began at a time during the late nineteenth
century when great social and economic changes were occurring in America.
Although the hillbilly image remained relatively unchanged, the meanings of
these representations and the word itself have continuously evolved over the
past century in response to broader socioeconomic and cultural transformations
in American society.
133
What changed to make a derisive, insult transform into
an accepted descriptive name? When did it become acceptable to be a hillbilly
and when did native Appalachians accept and promote themselves in such a
way?
The evolution of the word, hillbilly, is a complex saga involving many
factors some of which were social, economic, diplomatic, and simply progress in
general. The key to the hillbilly‘s surprising ubiquity and endurance from 1900 to
the dawn of the new millennium has been the fundamental ambiguity of the
meaning of this term and image. Consistently used by middle-class economic
interests to belittle working-class southern whites (whether from the mountains or
not) and to define the benefits of advanced civilization through negative
counterexample, the term and idea have also been used to challenge the
generally unquestioned acceptance and legitimacy of modernity and progress.
132
Ibid.
133
Harkins, 3.
80
The media hillbilly thrived during the 1930s in an era of economic and social
collapse. Uniquely positioned as a white “other,” a construction both within and
beyond the confines of American-Anglo culture, the hillbilly has also been at the
heart of struggles over American racial identity and hierarchy. Southern mountain
folk have both denounced the term as a vicious slur and embraced it in defense
of their value system and cultural heritage.
134
Beyond nationalizing the term,
country music also replaced the term’ s dominant pre-World War I association
with violence and threat with unpretentious humor, carefree frivolity, and
grassroots authenticity.
135
The term has been used to define a generation and, at
the same time, forced a generation struggling with modernity and progress; to
examine its place in America and within its society.
Arkansas Traveler & Li’l Abner
By the beginning of the twentieth century, the exclusive focus on poor
whites from Appalachia began to expand and extended into other southern states
in which use of the word, hillbilly, permeated literature and newspaper accounts.
From its origins as a regional label, the word and image slowly spread nationally
through the works of joke book writers, professional linguists, popular authors,
and motion picture producers and directors.
136
Political cartoonist Homer
Davenport was perhaps the first to illustrate his representations of characters that
he called “hill-billies.” Defined by their long-limbed bodies, scraggly beards or
134
Ibid, 4.
135
Ibid, 71.
136
Ibid, 49.
81
mustaches, oversized felt hats, and full length trench coats, these backwoods
folk look up expectantly but noncommittally at the huge figure of railroad magnate
Collis Huntington as he prepares to buy their votes.
137
Images like this one
seeped into the American conscious as time marched on.
The word began to increasingly appear coupled with Arkansas and the
state was used thematically in volumes of local color depictions of Ozark
hillbillies. One of the first appearances of the hillbilly and Arkansas pairing was a
1902 pamphlet Down in Arkansas written by humorist Charles S. Hibbler. This
pamphlet told the story of a Boston capitalist, a Philadelphia lawyer, and a
Kansas City real estate agent who visited the Ouachita Mountains of western
Arkansas in hopes of making a killing by buying cheap land and selling it to
lumber and mineral interests. Most of the story revolved around the already-
hackneyed theme of slowness concerning Arkansas trains, but here the image
was explicitly connected to the mental and physical slowness of the mountain
inhabitants. Themes of complacent poverty and geographical and social stasis
would be perpetuated in almost all subsequent depictions of these Arkansas
characters. The Arkansas theme would continue with the widely read On a Slow
Train through Arkansas (1903) by Thomas Jackson, Andrew Guy Chilton’s
Through Arkansas on a Hog (1908), and George Beason’s I Blew in from
Arkansaw (1908).
138
137
Ibid.
138
Ibid.
82
The Arkansas Traveler was one the most commonly used iconographic
images in the Arkansas themes. Anthony Harkins elaborates on the origins of
the song, tune, and skit:
Perhaps the most direct link between the southwestern popular culture
and the comic hillbilly image is the “Arkansas Traveller,” a written tale, humorous
oration, instrumental and lyrical song, and pictorial image that had appeared
continuously since the mid-nineteenth century. Most likely the creation of Colonel
Sanford Faulkner, an elite Arkansas politician during the first years of statehood,
the well-known tale is an ostensibly humorous retelling an encounter between a
party of Arkansas politicians, who have lost their way in the mountains during the
1840 campaign tour, and a poor squatter continuously sawing away at the same
tune on his fiddle in front of a primitive log cabin. The squatter responds to each
of the visitor’s requests for assistance with verbal puns, negative replies, and
indifference. Finally the traveler (representing Colonel Faulkner himself) achieves
his ends by seizing the fiddle and playing the end of the tune the squatter has
forgotten. The grateful homesteader, joyful that he finally recalls the closing
melody, invites the travelers in for food and drink.
139
The Hillbilly represented in the media has taken many forms but one of the
earliest popular forms was found in comic strips. In the early 1900s, the hillbilly
had surfaced in books, newspapers, novels, films, and cartoons. One of the most
popular cartoons depicting hillbillies was Al Capp’s Li’l Abner. When Al Capp
introduced the world of Mammy, Pappy, and Abner Yokum in his comic strip Li’l
Abner in 1934, the idea came from Capp’s memories of a hitchhiking trip through
Kentucky and from the popularity of “hillbilly” music in a vaudeville show and on
the radio. Capp, who blended “yokel” and “hokum” to create the name Yokum,
was the first cartoonist to use hillbillies as his principal characters.
140
The complexities of Capp’s characters were some of the first positive
instances or portrayals of mountain people in the early part of the twentieth
139
Ibid, 26.
140
Ballard, 144.
83
century. Li’l Abner Yokum represented a simplistic way of life. Capp described
his rawboned rustics as a “family of innocents” who learned that the world
outside their native Dogpatch, Kentucky, was a treacherous place: “This
innocence of theirs is indestructible, so that while they possess all the homely
virtues in which we profess to believe, they seem ingenuous because the world
around them is irritated by them, cheats them, kicks them around. They are
trusting, kind, loyal, generous and patriotic. It’s truly a bewildering world in which
they find themselves.”
141
Despite his fame as the best-known comic strip hillbilly
fool, Li’l Abner Yokum had a complex identity. He was a hero because somehow
he did not become debased…Abner maintained his basic goodness and
incorruptibility and at the same time, he was the antihero. Abner’s foolishness is
laughable, but when we look closely at those who con him, we see either that we
are smarter and more capable of dealing with villains of higher social class and
power or that we prefer Abner’s trust in other people’s goodness to the cynical
alternative.
142
As people began to accept complex characters like Abner, the
social, political, and economic climates of America began to change dramatically.
Urbanization and the First World War had already made a major impact on the
social climate of this country. During Capp’s time, the effects of the Depression
were still being felt throughout the country and simpler, more rustic ways of life
were remembered, longed and wished for by the common man. The simplistic
appeal of these complex characters eventually opened doors for traditional
musicians to promote themselves as proud, rural musicians. Hillbilly musicians
141
Ibid.
142
Ibid.
84
represented a by-gone era viewed simpler and easier than the new, quick-paced
life that now faced the modern-day, middle-class whites. The people who
identified the most with characters like Li’l Abner and Uncle Dave Macon were
the people who worked factory jobs, worked on the railroads, or picked cotton
and these hillbilly characters were something that they could simply relate to.
Hillbilly musicians and music was the last remnant of a pastoral, ideal past that
was slowly being overtaken by technology and urban sprawl. Isolation of the
eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries that had been responsible for the
misconception and misnomers of mountain people was now superseded by the
industrialization of the South and ruralism, with all of its complex connotations,
was now the accepted and attractive facet of southern identity and folklore.
Enter: Hillbilly Musicians
The beginning of the twentieth century brought folk tradition of regional
Appalachian music to the forefront of the American consciousness. The fiddle
contests of the early part of the century created folk heroes and icons in the small
towns and large cities alike. Newspaper coverage of these events treated
competitions like prize-fights. Much of the mythology surrounding these early
fiddlers was propagated by newspapers and eventually by the advent of radio.
Fiddle players were the earliest superstars of country music and were accorded
the same place in social status, a far cry from the stereotypical sinful view of
fiddlers in the mid-to-late nineteenth century. With the ever-increasing
85
industrialized society altering and re-defining itself, these musicians were “real
folk” that white, working class people could relate to and understand.
The music of the southern Appalachian Mountains, or hillbilly music, as it
came to be known was not high-brow entertainment; its appeal lay in its folk
honesty and earthy sincerity that, in turn, drew listeners in and kept their
attention. The music that the scholars and collectors attended to and valued was
for the most part archaic—usually the unaccompanied ballads from the old
country stalked by Wyman, Brockway, Sharp, and many others. Such as it was
an esoteric activity valued highly by intellectual elite.
143
Hillbilly music did not fit
the idealized version of folk music promoted by collectors and their allies in the
mountain settlement schools during the late nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries, but it did conform marvelously to the reality of plain-folk life in the first
quarter of the twentieth century. A plain-folk world of music did exist in the South
and that musical culture was largely unknown and dismissed by many
Americans. The early hillbilly musicians drew upon a rather large and floating
body of music that reflected Old World, American, religious, pop, and diversely
ethnic origins. Columbia Records fittingly described the old-time music listed in
their 15,000-D series as “Old Familiar Tunes,” while the Gennett label described
theirs as “Songs from Dixie.” The hillbilly musicians simply did not care where
their music came from as long as it conformed to the aesthetic and social values
of their community.
144
The traditions that resonated with southerners and rural
143
David E. Whisnant, All That is Native and Fine: the Politics of Culture in an American Region,
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1983): 183.
144
Malone, Country Music USA, 18.
86
Americans the most were characteristically down-home mores, a ruralistic
landscape and an intrinsic romantic quality put forth by the hillbilly musicians and
entertainers.
An idea of ruralism began to develop around the traditional musician who
could sing about the “old home place”, “back-home”, or “mother’s grave.”
Ruralism linked hillbilly music to a broad spectrum of Americans by providing a
mythology with which all could identify. In short, ruralism linked hillbilly singers to
the nation’s most cherished myth, the deeply held belief that our country began
its existence as a republic of rural virtue.
145
What drew the common southerner to the image and sounds of the hillbilly
musician? The rapidly changing social and economic aspects of southern culture
were evident by the beginning of the twenties. The radio and the phonograph
were new technological innovations that allowed the hillbilly musician to “win
over” the general public. The remarkable confrontation of rural folkways with
urban-industrial technology created the dynamic that gave hillbilly music its
special character and permitted it to win an ever-widening audience.
146
These
light-hearted purveyors of old-time music were comedic, lonesome, and down-to-
earth and these qualities were appealing and comforting to the farmer who had
recently moved to the city to work and support his family.
The most common element during the twenties among many southern
rural or mountain homes was the radio. In times of great change, locally or
worldwide, the radio provided a link to these events. Throughout the twenties and
145
Ibid, 23.
146
Ibid, 24.
87
thirties the radio was a source of news, entertainment, and a symbol of modernity
for people acquainting themselves with the new age. One could argue that the
disparaging image of the rube was fading, thanks to radio. The rube had been
fully assimilated into the new, urban way of life by virtue of his access to the
radio; his otherness had been wiped away.
147
The mountaineer was now
connected and tuned-in to the outside world. The disparaging stereotypes of the
late nineteenth century were replaced with widespread acceptance and general
nostalgia for the mountaineer and his humble surroundings.
The phonograph played a smaller but comparable role in the acceptance
and widespread popularity of hillbilly music. Before World War I, the music
industry—then represented chiefly by vaudeville, the sheet music business, and
the phonograph interests—concentrated on urban America because of its
population density and easy accessibility. The rural market was not totally
neglected, but it received the same entertainment material that was directed to
the cities. The music industry’s anti-rural attitude might have persisted had it not
been for the emergence of one medium of communication and the temporary
submergence of another. In general, the public discovery of traditional music was
the result of radio.
148
So, in turn, without radio the hillbilly music genre may have
never taken off or evolved into what country music is today. Radio provided a
means to promote and establish these musicians in the minds and ears within
the bandwidth’s reach. The radio was responsible for a down turn in record sales,
147
Patnode, 294.
148
Malone, County Music USA, 32.
88
but eventually the advantages of radio promotion in regards to record sales came
to light.
The music industry’s readiness to exaggerate, stereotype, and promote
widespread misconceptions about southern rural performers was used to exploit,
mine, and redefine the hillbilly genre and hillbilly musician. In many ways this
exploitation of misconception by the recording industry mirrored the exaggeration
of local color writings during the nineteenth century. We can discern through this
parallel that the nineteenth century comic frontiersman was indeed a precursor to
the twentieth century comic hillbilly. The comedic element of hillbilly musicians
resonated with the general buying public much in the same way that the local
color writings did in the late 1800s.
In the late 1920s and early 1930s, Okeh, Vocalion, Victor, and Brunswick
were decking their fiddlers and string bands in ever more outrageous hayseed
garb for promotional photos. Eager to expand their markets, they attempted
somewhat ambivalently both to purge the music of the very archaisms valued by
scholars and to appeal—through carefully shaped images of rusticity—to the
nostalgic longings of a public caught in the midst of rapid social transformations
of the late 1920s.
149
The appeal of these hillbilly images resonated with American
consumers and by 1929 sales of hillbilly records multiplied dramatically. The
images these records purveyed came to be accepted by a large segment of the
public as an authentic representation of southern mountain music.
150
The
imagery surrounding the genre alternated between the “Sunday-best” to the
149
Whisnant, 183.
150
Ibid, 184.
89
rustic rube with his overalls and corn-cob pipe and eventually aligned with the
nostalgic “down-home” imagery set forth by Ralph Peer and his greatest
accomplishments, The Carter Family and Jimmie Rodgers. These four musicians
forever changed the hillbilly genre and popular music as a whole for generations.
Their imprint and influence was felt on all country music and hillbilly musicians
who followed.
90
CHAPTER 6
HOMOGENIZATION & THE DECLINE, 1925-1939
By the end of the 1920s, the hillbilly genre had exploded onto the
American consciousness. Radio had bridged the gap between “town” and
“country.” Southern and northern cities alike were bustling with new inhabitants
seeking better lives than the farm and hidden hollows had provided. As
southerners and southern Appalachians began filing into these cities, the
recording industry with its new recording format tapped into a collective, uniform
sentiment that was being felt throughout the country. In a time when so much
was changing, hillbilly music provided a glimpse of the past and a simpler time.
This new period was marked by jazz, prohibition, speakeasies, and organized
crime. The nation was visibly growing and maturing at a rapid pace with
communications technology, mechanization, and industrial progress at the
forefront of its growth. Hillbilly music was an irrefutable, substantial constant that
people could relate to and cherish.
At the end of the decade, the recording industry was busy mining the
South for new, and more importantly, profitable talent. With radio competing for
the nation’s attention, recording companies sat up their portable studios all over
the South in cities like Atlanta, Savannah, Memphis, Bristol, amongst others in
order to broker new talent and means of income. The major, singular recording
event that changed everything about hillbilly music, created two major recording
entities, and eventually surpassed all hillbilly record sales at that time was the
Bristol sessions in 1927.
91
Maces Springs & the Tenneva Ramblers
The late 1920s were an economically interesting time for people in the
South and other rural areas of the United States. The economic boom following
World War I enabled folks to purchase luxury items and purchasing these items
became much more perfunctory throughout the decade. For the first time in
history, recording companies had developed a technology that made it profitable
for them to record groups like the Carters, Jimmie Rodgers, and Uncle Dave
Macon. At the same time fans of this music had acquired a new cash economy
that made it possible for the entrepreneur to profitably market his new medium. In
the period before the First World War, most of the people in the rural areas of the
United States including the South and southern Appalachia did not have
sufficient cash income to purchase phonograph recordings. With the new wealth
that came to the South and other rural areas following the First World War,
however, a clear commercial market for regional music was established.
151
One of the main facets in traditional music that appealed to the record-
buying public was the focus on family and the home. In the Carter Family’s
Bristol sessions recordings, one can easily identify the reasons for the family’s
success. They took old-fashioned, familiar songs and themes and turned them
into new material—and though their harmonies and instrumentation were
grounded firmly in Appalachian folk music, they took that tradition in new
directions. It was their distinctive Carter sound—based firmly on Sara and
Maybelle’s lead vocals, A.P.’s bass harmony, and Maybelle’s guitar work—that
151
Ed A. Kahn II, “The Carter Family: A Reflection of Changes in Society.” (Ph. D. diss. ,
University of California, 1970), 14.
92
appealed to audiences and induced them to buy records from the Victor
Company.
152
Bristol proved to be the genesis of modern country music marketing
and recording, moreover, the sessions eventually heralded the Carter Family and
Jimmie Rodgers to the rest of the world.
Jimmie Rodgers came to Bristol in 1927 with a band, The Tenneva
Ramblers. According to John Lily, the group took their name from a combination
of Tennessee and Virginia and they played an impressive style of traditional
string band music. The group consisted of Claude Grant, guitar; his mandolin-
playing brother, Jack Grant; and 19-year old fiddler, Jack Pierce.
153
Rodgers
assembled the Ramblers as his back-up band and played a few radio shows in
Asheville, North Carolina. After several trips over the mountain to Bristol and
several unsuccessful bookings, Rodgers and Pierce found themselves in front of
Ralph Peer discussing the prospect of recording the band. Peer promised to
listen and nothing more and the duo returned to North Carolina to retrieve the
other members of the band.
154
The events that lead up to Jimmie Rodgers
recording as a solo musician are clouded with mystery. According to Carrie
Rodgers, Jimmie’s wife, the three other musicians conspired behind Rodgers’
back to record on their own. Alternately, according to a 1975 interview with
Richard Blaustein of East Tennessee State University, Claude Grant claimed that
152
Katie Doman, “Something Old, Something New: The Carter family’s Bristol Session
Recordings,” in
The Bristol Sessions: Writings About the Big Bang of Country Music, eds. Charles
K. Wolfe and Ted Olson (Jefferson: McFarland, 2005), 66.
153
John Lily, “Jimmie Rodgers and the Bristol Sessions,” in The Bristol Sessions: Writings About
the Big Bang of Country Music
, eds. Charles K. Wolfe and Ted Olson (Jefferson: McFarland,
2005), 56.
154
Ibid.
93
an argument between Jimmie Rodgers and Claude’s brother Jack was the cause
of the split. Jack Grant and Rodgers had apparently had their differences for
some time concerning the group’s finances and Rodgers’ unconventional
business methods.
155
Regardless of the true nature of the split, parting of ways
did occur. Some speculate that Rodgers wanted his name for the band and that
was the ultimate cause for the split.
156
Peer offers another version of the story
that makes the most sense. Interviewed in 1953 by the newspaper, Meridian
Star, Peer claimed that it was he who engineered the split. According to Peer,
Rodgers and the group did audition together, but the music was not satisfactory
to his ear. “The records,” Peer said, “would have been no good if Jimmie had
sung with this group because he was singing blues and they were doing old-time
fiddle music. Oil and water…they don’t mix.” Peer conveyed that he decided to
allow the string band to record some numbers in order to keep the peace and not
hurt anyone’s feelings and later brought Rodgers back in alone.
157
This
illuminates the sheer control that Peer had over the product and musicians he
was recording. With Rodgers eventual success, Peer and Victor became
synonymous with hillbilly music.
155
Ibid.
156
Ibid.
157
Ibid, 61.
94
Peer & Stoneman
The Bristol Sessions of 1927 may have never happened had it not been
for the relationship established previously between Ernest “Pop” Stoneman and
Ralph Peer. As mentioned before, Stoneman had recorded for Peer in 1924 and
Peer trusted Pop’s opinion concerning local music and felt that Stoneman’s
music was traditional but somewhat advanced at the same time. The fact that
Stoneman knew a great number of local musicians was not lost on Victor’s man
in the field. When Peer first got to Victor in 1926, he recorded a new Stoneman
record and it sold sixty thousand without an ounce of promotion.
158
Peer decided
to make a journey to Galax to visit Stoneman and record some new musicians.
Peer procured sixty-thousand dollars for the idea to pay hillbilly musicians
for each of their songs and came armed with a new recording process that Victor
had developed the previous year. A year earlier, Victor began a new electric
recording process and issued a new phonograph, the Victor Orthophonic, which
was flying off of the shelves.
159
In mid-1925, Victor’s Orthophonic Victrola and
Columbia’s Viva-Tonal phonographs became available. Both machines were
specially designed acoustic phonographs created to play back the new electronic
recordings. The electronic recording processes rendered possible higher quality
recordings of stringed instruments and thus led to an increase in the number of
158
Mark Zwonitzer and Charles Hirshberg, Will You Miss Me When I’m Gone?, (New York:
Simon & Schuster, 2002): 93.
159
Ibid.
95
recordings of string bands, a favored format in the early years of country
music.
160
According to Zwonitzer and Hirshberg, Peer made his way down south:
With money in place—and a new and better recording system—Peer
wrote Stoneman. He was coming to visit Pop at his new home in Galax, Virginia,
and Pop should go up in the mountains and find some acts worth recording. After
the auditions, Peer said, he’d have Pop and the other approved acts meet him in
Bristol, Virginia, for Victor’s first field-recording session. Recording in Bristol had
two advantages: There was a strong Victor distributorship there, run by Cecil
McLister, and it was a railhead. With two major roads and a half-dozen short
lines running into Bristol, acts from all over Appalachia could get there fairly
easily. If all else failed, Peer figured, at least he’d get some Stoneman recordings
on wax. Ironically, by the time Peer got to Bristol, Pop hadn’t turned up much
talent besides his own family and one friend.
161
Pop Stoneman may not have delivered the musicians for whom Peer was looking
but nonetheless it was the trust between him and Peer that brought the Victor
field-recording process to Bristol. Peer eventually invited a local newspaper
editor to the Stoneman recording session and the coverage that followed was
really what brought musicians over the miles to audition for Peer. Newspaper
publicity generated extensive excitement about Peer’s visit to Bristol. In Peer’s
words, “(Using the newspaper) worked like dynamite and the very next day I was
deluged with long-distance calls from the surrounding mountain regions. Groups
of singers who had not visited Bristol during their entire lifetime arrived by bus,
horse, buggy, trains, or on foot”
162
Beyond that, the fact that musicians were
paid for their music was even more inviting.
160
Eric Morritt, “The Early Sound Recording Technology and the Bristol Sessions,” in The Bristol
Sessions: Writings About the Big Bang of Country Music
, eds. Charles K. Wolfe and Ted Olson
(Jefferson: McFarland, 2005), 12.
161
Zwonitzer and Hirshberg, 93-94.
162
Malone, Country Music USA, 80.
96
During the nine days that Ralph Peer spent recording in Bristol, he
recorded some twenty-one acts for commercial purposes, of which five had been
previously recorded by Victor or other companies, one was an orchestra
recording popular music, and one was a race artist. Of the fourteen previously
unrecorded hillbilly acts that were recorded during the expedition, only seven
ever returned to the studios. Most of these rural people enjoyed making music,
but few considered themselves to be professional musicians. They responded to
Ralph Peer’s ad, made their recordings, and went home unchanged by the
experience.
163
Bristol: Birth of a Legend
The mythical treatment of these recording sessions has their origins with
Ralph Peer, obviously, but also with other parties who were enamored by the
recording artists more so than the actual event. Peer had a part in developing the
stereotypical imagery surrounding these hillbilly artists. The hillbilly exaggeration
only fueled record and songbook sales, an idea that was not only lucrative to
Peer but also responsible for persuading the buying public to accept these down-
to-earth musicians. According to Charles Wolfe, Peer gave an interview in 1928
in which he recalled that Jimmie Rodgers had been “running around in the
mountains before his session in Bristol, and that when he tried out he was
laughed at.”
164
This comment made about a musician who eventually made
163
Kahn, 35-36.
164
Charles K. Wolfe, “The Legend That Peer Built: Reappraising the Bristol Sessions,” in The
Bristol Sessions: Writings About the Big Bang of Country Music
, eds. Charles K. Wolfe and Ted
Olson (Jefferson: McFarland, 2005), 18-19.
97
Ralph Peer a millionaire. He also tried to “earthen-up” the Carter Family’s
imagery with a tale of homespun clothes and bare feet. Peer later claimed that
when the Carter Family first appeared at the Bristol studio, they looked like they
had “come through a lot of mud either by horse and buggy or an old car…He
[A.P.] was dressed in overalls and the women are country women from way back
there—calico clothes on…they looked like hillbillies.”
165
Peer had learned from
John Carson and the Hill Billies that real, old-time music had to hold a certain
amount of mountain charm. Simply stated, the hillbilly stereotype was good for
business. Any mythology surrounding the recordings of the Bristol sessions was
equally scrutinized over and studied the same as the recordings themselves.
With Jimmie Rodgers, Peer had an opportunity for the first hillbilly
superstar. According to Malone, by the end of 1927 Rodgers’ popularity had
begun to mount, and Victor and Peer realized that they had signed a potential
star. Rodgers was soon permitted another recording session in Camden, New
Jersey where he recorded the first twelve of his Blue Yodels. “T for Texas”
became the hillbilly hit of the year, and at last fame and success were at hand. In
its structure the song resembled the typical blues form, but at the conclusion of
the third line, Rodgers lifted his voice to a higher octave and uttered the blue
yodel that made him the most famous hillbilly star in history.
166
Rodgers
continued to rise as a modern, country performer and paved the way for country
music’s evolution.
165
Ibid.
166
Malone, Country Music USA, 81.
98
Alternately, the Carter Family represented a vastly different side of the
rural South. Whereas, Rodgers incorporated his years of working on the railroad
into his persona as “the Singing Brakeman” and “the Blue Yodeler”; the Carter
Family evoked the family, the old home-place, and strong morality. Malone
relates this:
Rodgers brought into clear focus the tradition of the rambling man which
had been so attractive in country music’s folk ancestors and which has ever
since fascinated much of the country music audience. This ex-railroad man
conveyed the impression that he had been everywhere and had experienced life
to the fullest. His music suggested a similar openness of spirit, willingness to
experiment, and receptivity to alternative styles. The Carter Family, in contrast,
represented the impulse toward home and stability, a theme as perennially
attractive as that of the rambler. When the Carters sang, they evoked images of
the old country church, Mama and Daddy, the family fireside, and “the green
fields of Virginia far away.” Theirs was a music that might borrow from other
forms, but would move away from its roots only reluctantly.
167
Unlike Rodgers, the Carters never became extremely wealthy from album sales
and most of their public performances throughout the years were for the most
part local to southwest Virginia and informal. The very characteristic of simplicity
and ruralism that the family shared with common people, made the Carters, with
their common rural lifestyles, popular with their fans. They were simple country
people trying to eke out an existence. The Carters were fairly typical of a pattern
of seeking outside work for short periods of time. Sara was explicit in pointing out
that the royalties—perhaps one quarter of a per cent of retail sales prices—were
certainly not enough to support the members of the group but enough to keep
them going and give them encouragement.
168
A. P. and Maybelle’s husband,
167
Malone, Country Music USA, 64-5.
168
Kahn, 56.
99
Ezra, sought work out of state from time to time. Needless to say, The Carter
Family represented the common folk’s struggle to survive and this was not lost
on the press and more importantly Peer and his colleagues.
Bristol represents the beginning of true country music as a mass-marketed
revenue-making commodity. Up until 1927, the hillbilly genre was an attempt by
the record companies to overcome the advent of radio and re-establish the
money making ventures. With Jimmie Rodgers and The Carters, the industry
realized the inherent potential in the country crooner and the family band and
these components could be used to create revenue. Essentially, the country
music business aspect of the hillbilly genre was born during those August
sessions of 1927.
Music Publishing: The Hillbilly Writer
One of the reasons that Bristol has been celebrated as the birthplace of
modem country music was because of the Ralph Peer’s innovation of music
publishing as a major money-making enterprise. Much of this process is still in
use today in modern music business. Peer was a revolutionary component in
bringing about the publisher-songwriter practice in country and traditional music.
One of the main reasons that Peer was looking for new talent in 1927 was
because he had realized the untapped resource of owning copyrights to songs.
This was one of the main reasons that he came to Bristol: to mine the local
resources for possible revenue-making songs.
As mentioned previously, Peer was so confident of the economic
advantages of possessing the rights to songs that in 1925 he offered to work for
100
Victor Recording Company for no salary if they would allow him to hold the
copyrights of the new songs he recorded. This practice of recording singers
capable of creating their own material was so financially successful that it
encouraged others to attempt the same procedure; as a result, singers who
composed their own songs became and still are a premium commodity in the
country music industry.
169
Publishing still remains one of the strongest streams of
revenue for the country music industry.
The change brought about by this new publishing endeavor was not an
immediately noticeable occurrence. The rest of the industry did not acclimate to
the new idea for some years. Ironically it was not until twenty years later that
Acuff-Rose Publishing Company in Nashville would begin to make Peer’s model
for publishing music the norm for the entire commercial music industry.
170
Peer
was innovative in that he offered his artists “free” management as long as they
signed a contract to exclusively record for him. Peer signed all those he worked
with to exclusive writer-publisher and personal management contracts that
specified that they could record only for him. Although it was standard practice,
Peer did not charge the artists a fee for being their personal manager, a fact he
continually reiterated to them. This generosity was part of his plan because,
being under contract to him, performers could not sell songs to other publishers
or record for other record companies.
171
169
Jimmie N. Rogers, The Country Music Message: Revisited, (Fayetteville, University of
Arkansas Press, 1989): 9.
170
Richard A. Peterson, Creating Country Music: Fabricating Authenticity, (Chicago, University of
Illinois Press, 1997):39.
171
Ibid.
101
These new innovative publishing plans brought about a change in the
hillbilly recording industry and market. Peer was now searching for original
material as opposed to the old traditional tunes. Peer’s deal with Victor changed
the sort of songs he looked for in an important way. Frank Walker and other A&R
men, who worked on salary, were looking for copyright-free material so that their
company would not have to pay the fees to a copyright holder. For them a song
in public domain was perfectly acceptable.
172
For Peer the opposite was true, he
was more interested in new songs because his income was based upon the sale
of songs that were part of his publishing company. He essentially needed new
songs with the old, traditional feel in order to keep afloat in the industry. In
Jimmie Rodgers with his clear and winning country sounding voice and spare
guitar accompaniment, Peer had found such a solo voice with a minimum of
arrangement, and in the Carter Family he had tapped a treasure trove of old-
sounding ballads and love songs.
173
Nevertheless, Peer could have not predicted
the economic downturn that country felt during the late 1920s and his publishing
breakthrough would have the weather the stock market crash and the dust bowl
for several years.
“I’m Going Where There’s No Depression”
The Great Depression brought with it massive change and alteration to the
landscape and psyche of this nation. Not only did the Depression alter our way of
172
Ibid.
173
Ibid.
102
thinking, it also changed the value system and buying habits of Southerners and
southern Appalachians. When Jimmie Rodgers died in 1933, one decade had
elapsed since Fiddlin John Carson made his first Okeh record and inaugurated
country music‘s commercial history. The music had become a secure part of
American entertainment and gave every indication of expanding both in
popularity and in personnel.
174
Even before his untimely death, however, the
prime vehicle of Rodger’s popularity, the phonograph record, was suffering great
commercial reverses owing to the Great Depression. Total record sales in the
United States, which reached $75 million in 1929, plummeted to just $6 million,
less than one tenth the 1929 figure, by 1933.
175
This latter sale figures paint a
strikingly different picture than the early 1920s when total record sales reached
$100 million.
176
Ironically, country music sold steadily throughout the Depression.
According to Malone:
Perhaps the most remarkable aspect of country music’s history during the
Great Depression is that the music not only survived but expanded. The once-
modest hillbilly business began to take shape as an industry with booking agents,
promoters, advertising firms, publishers, music-licensing agencies, and motion
picture representatives recognizing the gold that might be mined from this new
territory. The music also took great strides toward national dissemination and
eventual national homogenization during the Depression years: Sear-Roebuck
catalogues advertised the same records in all sections of the country; powerful
radio stations boomed the music out to city and farm alike; advertising agencies
linked the music with such brand names as Alka-Seltzer and won new
consumers with each; radio transcriptions permitted musicians to popularize
themselves on stations far beyond their own geographical areas; touring units
took the music to all sections of the country; and Hollywood films made many of
174
Malone, Country Music USA, 93.
175
Peterson, 50.
176
Rogers, 22.
103
the performers visible , while introducing their music to millions of Americans who
would not have heard it in any other format.
177
The hillbilly recording industry changed somewhat after the Depression. The
stable market for country and hillbilly records and the low cost of producing them
made it the genre that was a vital and important part of the music industry.
Regardless of lean times, the genre still managed to move records thanks
in part to live performances and the ever-present radio broadcast. Peterson
reiterates this, beginning with Polk Brockman’s innovations in Atlanta and
continuing right through the Depression; however, country music flourished by
combination radio exposure and live concert tours. Then in the mid-1930s, the
western films of Gene Autry and his followers proved another major avenue for
projecting and promoting country music. The images projected by radio and film
accentuated the regional and rustic nature of hillbilly, country music, its
performers, and its audience.
178
The hillbilly music and imagery set forth in the
early 1920s was quickly being subjugated by the modern sounds of western
swing and the cowboy. The new focus on original material altered the hillbilly
landscape considerably and allowed the western and cowboy imagery to flourish.
Within the decade of the 1930s, the hillbilly with all his rustic characteristics and
charm would eventually fade into the memories of the past.
177
Malone, 94.
178
Peterson, 51.
104
Enter: The Media Cowboy
One of the main reasons that the cowboy became synonymous with
country music in the 1930s was the motion picture. The romance surrounding the
cowboy had been a part of American popular culture since the mid to late
nineteenth century. Cowboy singers and bands were part of the early hillbilly
recording boom. Simultaneously, cowboy musicians and hillbilly musicians
achieved popularity and fame during the 1920s and 1930s. What made the
cowboy so appealing and why were the iconographic qualities of the West so
attractive to the general public? Among the wide array of western characters, the
cowboy was the one who most often held center stage in the western world of
imagination.
179
The cowboy did not joke and laugh because his life, imagined or
real, was a life of solitude and danger.
The hillbilly and the cowboy both enjoyed success throughout the 1920s,
but the fortunes of the imagined cowboy and his hillbilly sibling proved quite
different in the 1930s. The hillbilly often seemed close to breaking under the
combined weight of depressed agricultural prices and the march of
industrialization into the rural hinterland. The dominant image alternated between
the sullen, displaced farmer and comedic buffoon. At its best, the music created
during the early 1930s was vital and richly varied. In stark contrast, the cowboy,
always serious, alone, and unfettered by communal responsibilities, seemed to
179
Ibid, 81.
105
grow in stature.
180
The imagined cowboy represented a romantic notion and was
an extension of pulp fiction. The lone drifter provided an escape during hard
times whereas the hillbilly provided stark realism and nostalgia for an ever-
changing rural landscape. The cowboy was idealistically appealing and other-
worldly to Depression-era dreamers and the hillbilly musician only reinforced their
stark reality of the dustbowl age and ragged outdated stereotypes.
As mentioned before, the cowboy imagery and dress was not a new trend.
Eck Robertson, the first old-time fiddler to record commercially, hailed from West
Texas and dressed in cowboy attire for his audition, and a number of musicians
in the 1920s, including Carson J. Robinson, Carl T. Sprague, and above all,
Jimmie Rodgers, gained prominence singing cowboy songs and wearing
exaggerated cowboy costumes. But not until the 1930s and the tremendous
success of “Oklahoma’s Singing Cowboy,” Gene Autry, who moved from the
National Barn Dance (WLS-Chicago) to an enormously successful career in
Hollywood, did the cowboy persona envelop country music.
181
Hollywood was a
major component in the rise of the singing cowboy and his popularity.
America’s preoccupation with the West developed long before the
recording, radio, and motion picture industries. The romantic concept of the
West, shared by most Americans, has a history virtually as old as the nation
itself. James Fenimore Cooper’s early novels describing the restorative qualities
of the frontier were not substantially different, nor less romantic, than the themes
emphasized later in Bret Harte’s stories in the western “dime novels” or in such
180
Ibid.
181
Harkins, 95.
106
books as Owen Wister’s The Virginian (1901).
182
The fictionalized exploits of
Indian scout and buffalo hunter Bill Cody were presented in an 1869 dime novel
and serialized in the New York Weekly. In 1901 Teddy Roosevelt, who styled
himself a cowboy, became president. In 1903 The Great Train Robbery, a
western and the first extended narrative film, was released to great acclaim. A
spate of one- and two-reel melodramatic western movies followed, with Tom Mix
emerging as the first cowboy hero.
183
The image of the cowboy was an
established icon by the time the singing cowboys emerged in the late 1920s and
early- to late 1930s.
Socioeconomic factors of the Depression affected the public’s outlook on
the hillbilly musicians and alternately aided in the rising popularity of the cowboy
and western romanticism. According to Anthony Harkins:
Several related factors underlay the abandonment of the hillbilly
look and the widespread adoption of cowboy imagery in the mid-to late
1930s: ten-gallon hats, chaps, and pointed boots offered far greater
romantic possibilities than did the traditional mountaineer costume; the
string band and plaintive mountain ballad style sounded increasingly old
fashioned and even alien to modern audiences and performers; and in the
searing psychological and economic environment of the Great
Depression, the cowboy persona offered ( in the words of country music
historian Bill Malone) “a reassuring symbol of independence and mastery”
that doubtless provided comfort to many Americans struggling with
financial hardship and personal and societal loss of faith. In the early part
of the twentieth century, the mythic mountaineer represented these same
qualities of individuality, independence, and stalwartness. But by the mid-
1930s, these more positive readings were being superseded by a growing
derision toward, and increasingly negative image of, the southern
mountains and mountaineer. A national audience, exposed on a regular
basis to stories of violent coal strikes in Kentucky and West Virginia, social
depravity and aberrant religious practices such as snake handling and
speaking-in-tongues, and a steady diet of increasingly degenerate hillbilly
182
Malone, Country Music USA, 138.
183
Peterson, 82.
107
portrayals, could no longer sustain a romantic and nostalgic sense of the
mountains and mountaineers.
184
With an ever increasingly prevalence of negative images pertaining to hillbillies,
mountaineers, and southerners, the public quickly embraced the cowboy and his
western imagery.
Conclusion
As the 1930s began the nation started embracing romantic imagery and
heroic traits associated with the cowboy and the Old West. Hillbilly music, a
solidified constant of the music industry, remained popular with consumers
throughout the decade, but negative connotations associated with the music
began to damage the appeal that the genre generated during the 1920s. The
hillbilly musician began to appear foolish, ignorant, and rube-like to the public.
The cowboy, with his romantic qualities, began to supersede the hillbilly although
both were equally popular during the early boom of the recording industry.
In spite of their repeated exposure to millions of moviegoers, the western
songs performed by the singing cowboys like Gene Autry, Roy Rogers, and the
legion of other movie singing cowboys who followed, with rare exceptions, did not
sell well.
185
Besides motion pictures, the cowboy’s success was not directly
correlated to album sales. Largely as a result of Hollywood exploitation, the
concept of western music became fixed in the public mind. After the heyday of
Gene Autry the term “western” came to be applied even to southern rural music
184
Harkins, 95-6.
185
Peterson, 91.
108
by an increasing number of people, especially by those who were ashamed to
use the pejorative term “hillbilly.”
186
The general public along with the majority of
the music industry had forsaken the outdated modes of dress and rube-like
comedy of the hillbilly. Now, the cowboy image was embedded in the nation’s
psyche and the hillbilly was relegated to negative stereotypes of the late
nineteenth century.
The early recording pioneers of the hillbilly genre paved the way for future
country artists and singers. The accidental nature of the genre’s discovery
underscores the fickleness of an early twentieth century consumer market. The
hillbilly genre provided an ample sociological cushion during a period of transition
whereupon rural people evolved from an agrarian, rustic mode of life to the fast-
pace of a modern industrial nation. With the advent of radio and recording
technology, the hillbilly musician gained momentous ground socially and
economically. The recording of hillbilly artists provided an identity for these
musicians, alternate sources of income, and above all, sense of place and
belonging to a much-overlooked, quickly denigrated region of the country.
Why did the hillbilly genre fall out of favor with record buying public?
There was a cyclic duality in the popularity of hillbilly music. This duality varied
from overwhelmingly positive public acceptance to an utter disregard and
reluctance to embrace the comedic, bucolic qualities of the genre. Archie Green
underscores this dualism:
It is unfair to the amorphous record buying public of the mid-1920s
that so enthusiastically took the new hillbilly music to its heart to say
186
Malone, 145.
109
precisely why it accepted a pejorative term for something it liked. Perhaps
the public sensed the larger community’s antipathy to the discs that both
commented on and documented traditional values. Out of the long
process of American urbanization-industrialization there has evolved a
joint pattern of rejection as well as sentimentalization of rural mores. We
flee the eroded land with its rotting cabin; at the same time we cover it in
rose vines of memory. This national dualism created the need for a handle
of laughter and ridicule to unite under one rubric the songs and the culture
of the yeoman and the varmint, the pioneer and the poor white…so long
as we both exploit and revive hillbilly music, so long as we feel tension
between rural and urban society, we are likely to continue to need Ralph
Peer’s and Al Hopkins’ jest.
187
From this statement we can assume that a plausible reason for the decline in
popularity concerning hillbilly music can be directly related to the dualistic nature
of early twentieth century culture. The genre served a need for people moving
from an outdated system, longing for stasis and memories of home, to a newly,
industrialized areas of the urban sector. Once the transformation was complete,
the public matured and yearned for more sophisticated forms of entertainment.
The very facet of hillbilly music that attracted consumers in the beginning, gritty,
agrarian plain white folk, was the very idea or notion that repelled them in the late
1930s.
Country music changed and evolved throughout the pre-war era of the
1930s and a more homeostatic music and musicians were the end product in this
evolution. The recording industry that sought truth, grittiness, and realistic
bonified hillbillies in the early twenties was now interested in marginalization of
unique, inherent qualities and more than interested in extending a broad,
187
Green, 223.
110
encompassing definition of country music. Country music had generated into a
definition synonymous with the cowboy of Western culture in the United States.
Country music owes a great deal of reverence to the hillbilly genre and
without its early performers of the 1920s; country music may have not developed
into the commercial behemoth that it is today. Cowboy songs were in the
repertory of eastern hillbillies before the commercialization of the tradition. Ex-
cowboys (real ones) began recording in 1925. Yet the cowboy contribution, in
addition to a relatively few traditional songs, was more image than actuality.
Whatever was viable in the music of the cowboy was largely absorbed in to
hillbilly tradition by 1930. After this time, cowboy singers came under the spell of
pop or hillbilly music, and whatever authentic cowboy culture remained now
borrowed the hillbilly tradition. But the cowboy “myth” was as influential on hillbilly
music as on American mass culture. Although cowboy and hillbilly music were
often bracketed, there was a connotative difference. The cowboy’s image was
almost the reverse of the hillbilly’s. Furthermore, the culture that gave birth to
hillbilly music shared the general regard for the image of the cowboy as
representing values being lost in the urbanization of America.
188
The same
nostalgic attachment to pastoral, rural settings of the past was represented by
the cowboy myth. The cowboy was one of the last remnants of an agrarian way
of life and this sentiment resonated with the American consumers in the 1930s.
Hillbilly artists during the thirties quickly acclimated to the evolving musical
landscape of the era. Some of the musicians changed their looks and styles in
188
Wilgus, Country-Western Music and the Urban Hillbilly, 166.
111
order to survive and be successful, while others were influenced by outside
factors such as jazz and western swing. Fiddle bands continued to flourish and
their development was rather straight-line: they became smoother and more
integrated; when they became “hotter” it was largely through the influence of pop
jazz.
189
The newer, polished sounds emphasized harmonies and clarity and
artists quickly abandoned the grittiness and real-life qualities of the early hillbilly
artists.
The blues tradition had a great impact on hillbilly music and the
development of country-western varieties. Southeastern performers were
singing “white” blues and playing hot instrumentals in the 1920s. Jimmie Rodgers
popularized both the songs and the style, so that there was no regional limitation
to the style in the 1930s. But the tradition flourished most significantly in
Louisiana, Texas, and Oklahoma. It was in this area, rather than in the hillbilly
communities of the industrial North, that the greatest acculturation took place.
Whereas in the Southeast the frolic pieces, the blues, and the sentimental songs
coexisted in the repertory, usually with stylistic differences in performance, they
tended to coalesce in the southwestern tradition, dominated by the blues-jazz
influence.
190
The development of the western sound and cowboy myth emerged
out of a complex array of social and economical events in the late thirties that
combined to launch the country-western genre into the mainstream.
The urbanization of the southwest sector of the United States was a major
contributing factor in popularizing cowboy and country-western music. There are
189
Ibid, 167.
190
Ibid.
112
a number of explanations for country-western acculturation, from the influence of
the Louisiana blues and jazz traditions to the oil boom in Texas and Oklahoma.
At the country dances and in taverns or honky-tonks, the older Anglo oriented
country music met Cajun, blues, jazz, and even Mexican styles. The strength of
the Anglo folk tradition had long been undermined by the growing heterogeneity
of the population; there was such a restrictive set of urban pop music values
obtained in the North; and there was a meeting of many traditions on a folk level.
The southeastern white folk culture tended to reaffirm its values in the face of
cultural exchange. The hillbilly ghettos in the North were continually reaching
back to their heritage, but the folk music of the Southwest became the leading
urban hillbillies.
191
The Southwest provided a new pattern for hillbilly artists to
follow and musicians in the Southeast and North quickly followed suit and
adopted newer styles and imagery as the music grew and became popularized.
Finally, the emergence of the cowboy and western themes were as
symbolic as the emergence of the hillbilly in the early twenties. Both of these
personas provided and represented a simpler, more innocent time in American
history. Without the comedic foolishness of the hillbilly, the cowboy could have
never captured the hearts of a nation. Throughout the 1920s and 1930s, these
two exceptionally different but similar folk icons came to symbolize and represent
the advance of technology and the progressiveness of the age. In a time of the
radio, phonograph, automobile, speakeasy, and motion picture, the hillbilly and
cowboy rose to soften the quickly changing paces of modernity.
191
Ibid, 168.
113
The South and the Appalachian south had been through an inordinate
social struggle in the late nineteenth century and were involved in a social re-
invention during the early part of the twentieth century. The South of the 1930s
closely resembled the South of the 1920s; many places in the region, in fact,
looked as they did in 1900. The South was still a rural, agrarian region in the
midst of an urban, industrial nation. In its isolation, the South was able to
preserve and maintain some the traditions and values that were evident at the
outset of the nation’s beginning. In its isolation from American society, the rural
South clung to the values and customs that shaped its identity. For many rural
white southerners, country or traditional music manifested their worldview in
addition to offering an avenue for entertainment. White southerners listened to
country music because its lyrics and themes captured the particulars of their lives
while the music provided a reason to congregate with friends and family. White
southerners looked on music as an important social and religious part of their
lives.
192
Music provided a social momentum within Appalachia and the South.
Musical gatherings and events were a reason for people to congregate and
socialize with one another.
Hillbilly musicians and the hillbilly genre played significant roles in the
acclimation of rural southern life into a modern, urbanized South. With the
acceptance of the hillbilly, the South assumed a social responsibility to inherent
traditions and its heritage. By embracing the past and welcoming an overly-
stereotyped figure, the mountain South was essentially condoning and accepting
192
Jeffrey Lange, Smile When You Call Me A Hillbilly: Country Music’s Struggle for
Respectability, 1939-1954
, (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2004): 19-20.
114
an often-ridiculed, regional misrepresentation. As the South became more
modernized and a new generation migrated to the urban centers of the North and
Southwest, the need for a newer, cleaner bucolic images emerged and the
hillbilly imagery and associations were acclimated into the western imagery of the
cowboy or dropped altogether.
Both the cowboy and hillbilly provided much needed pastoral
representations of an outdated agrarian society as well as a social buffering for
the impending march into modernity that the South was experiencing and
adjusting to. The rise and popularity of the hillbilly genre in a sense represents
the complex, changing times of the early twentieth century. His popularity
underscores a region’s struggle for identity and definition in the face of a modern,
industrialized society. The entertainment and comedic qualities that the hillbilly
possessed were essential in the acclimatizing of a rural South into the modern
age.
115
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VITA
RYAN CARLSON BERNARD
Personal Data: Date of Birth: July 15, 1973
Place of Birth: Kingsport, Tennessee
Marital Status: Single
Education: Public Schools, Kingsport, Tennessee
Middle Tennessee State University, Murfreesboro,
Tennessee; Recording Industry Management, B.S.,
2000.
East Tennessee State University, Johnson City,
Tennessee; Appalachian Studies, (MALS), M.A. 2006.
Professional Experience: Administrative Assistant, Eminent Records. LLC.,
Nashville, Tennessee, 1999-2001.
Manager, Cat’s CDs, Kingsport, Tennessee, 2002-
2005.
Graduate Assistant, East Tennessee State University,
School of Liberal Studies (MALS), 2005-2006.
Head Counselor, Tennessee Governor’s School for
Tennessee Heritage, 2005.
Related Experience: “Handbooks to Hymnals”, Middle Tennessee State
University, 1999
121
Appalachia Studies Conference, Radford, Virginia,
2005.Appalachia Studies Conference, Dayton, Ohio,
2006
