Another major difference between our study and previous ones
lies in our treatment of the social cost of crime. Our estimated
effect of crime reduction is much smaller than that reported in two
previous studies. We assume no victim costs are associated with
driving “misdemeanors” and “drug-related crim es,” while Belfield
et al. (2006) assign substantial victim costs to these crimes. We
consider these crimes as “victimless.” Even though these crimes may
be associated with other crimes which ma y generate victims, such
crimes would be recorded separately in t he Perry cr ime record. This
more careful accounting for crime results in a subs tantial decrease of
the estimated cost of crime because victimless crimes account for
more than 30% of a ll crime incidence reported in the Perry crime
record.
5. Conclusion
This paper estimates the rate of return and the benefit–cost ratio
for the Perry Preschool Program, accounting for locally determined
costs, missing data, the deadweight costs of taxation, and the value
of no n-marke t benefits and costs. It improves on previous estimates
by accounting for corruption in th e randomization pr otocol, by
dev eloping standard errors for these estimates and by exploring the
sen sitivity of estimates to alternative assumptions about missing
data and the value of non-market benefits. Our est imates are robust
to a variety of alterna tive assumptions about inter polation, extrap-
olation, and deadweight losses. In most cases, they are statistic ally
significantly different from zero. This is true for both males and
females.
75
In general, the estimated annual rates of return are above
the historical return to equity of about 5.8% but below previous
estimates reported in the literature. Table 1 summarizes our
estimates of the rate of re turn for selected methodologies. O ur
benefit-to-cost ratio estimates support the rate of return analysis.
Benefits on health an d the well-being of futu re generations are not
estimated due to d ata limitations. All thing s considered, our anal ysis
likely provides a lower-bound on the true rate of return to the Perry
Preschool Program.
76
Acknowledgements
We are grateful to Lena Malofeeva and Larry Schweinhart of the
HighScope Foundation for their comments and their continued
support of our ongoing collaboration. We are grateful to the editor,
Dennis Epple, and two anonymous referees for their comments and to
Steve Durlauf, Jeff Grogger, Steven Barnett, Clive Belfield, and
participants at the Public Policy and Economics seminar at the Harris
School, University of Chicago, March, 2009. This research was
supported by the Committee for Economic Development by a grant
from the Pew Charitable Trusts and the Partnership for America's
Economic Success (PAES); the JB & MK Pritzker Family Foundation;
Susan Thompson Buffett Foundation; and NICHD (R01HD043411).
The views expressed in this presentation are those of the authors and
not necessarily those of the funders listed here. Supplemental results
are available in the Appendix.
Appendix. Supplementary results
Supplemental results associated with this article can be found, in
the online version, at doi:10.1016/j.jpubeco.2009.11.001.
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A recent paper by Anderson (2008) claims to find no effect for the Perry program
for males. He focuses on only a few arbitrarily weighted outcomes and does not
compute rates of return or benefit–cost ratios.
76
Our analysis answers many of the objections raised by Nagin (2001) against
previous cost–benefit studies of the returns to early interventions. We consider costs
and benefits to society, rather than governments or individuals alone. However, due to
data limitations, we do not value the psychic benefits of crime reduction to society at
large apart from the reduction in victimization costs.
127J.J. Heckman et al. / Journal of Public Economics 94 (2010) 114–128