While the Nation Looked On 1
Running head: WHILE THE NATION LOOKED ON
While the Nation Looked On:
A Framing Analysis of Print News Media Coverage of Terri Schiavo
_________________________________________
Presented to the Faculty
Liberty University
School of Communication Studies
_________________________________________
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the
Master of Arts
In Communication Studies
By
Aubrey Blankenship
11 April 2011
While the Nation Looked On 2
Thesis Committee
_________________________________________________________________
Stuart S. Schwartz, Ph.D., Chairperson Date
_________________________________________________________________
Clifford W. Kelly, Ph.D. Date
_________________________________________________________________
Angela M. Widgeon, Ph.D. Date
While the Nation Looked On 3
Copyright © 2011
Aubrey N. Blankenship
All Rights Reserved
While the Nation Looked On 4
Abstract
One of the richest areas of current research in mass communication involves framing theory.
Originally developed by Erving Goffman (1974), framing is used by the media to organize
content. As such, it has implications for the values, beliefs, and actions of those exposed to that
content. This study attempts to apply framing theory to a controversial issue and event profusely
covered by American mass media: the case of Terri Schiavo. To accomplish this, coverage of her
final month by two print newspapers, The New York Times and the New York Post, was analyzed
for prevalence (present or absent), level of substance (substantive or ambiguous), and valence
(positive, neutral, or negative) of frames. Each paper was also coded for the type and valence of
sources cited. Significance was found to support the presence of certain frames in each
newspaper, with a leaning toward keeping Terri Schiavo alive found in frame valence in New
York Post and a leaning, with stronger significance, toward removing her feeding tube in The
New York Times.
Key Terms: framing theory, media bias, Terri Schiavo, New York Times, New York Post
While the Nation Looked On 5
TABLE OF CONTENTS
6
CHAPTER
10
2. METHODOLOGY....27
.36
4. 47
.62
APPENDICES.9
While the Nation Looked On 6
Introduction
In 2005 the United States news media covered numerous events that deeply impacted the
country, 
appointment of two justices to the Supreme Court. Another story with off the charts
publicity did not center on a national event but on a single individual (Roscoe, Osman, and
Haley, 2006). The media frenzy came at the climax of a seven-year legal dispute that determined
the fate of a Florida resident, who has since been dubbed the 
Tyndall Report, 2005).
Theresa (Terri) Marie Schiavo collapsed from cardiac arrest on February 25, 1990. Due
to a lack of oxygen, the collapse left her brain damaged and in a 
according to her doctors. For eight years she was reliant on feeding and hydration tubes, and in
May of 1998 her husband filed a petition to remove her feeding tube. Her parents disagreed and a
legal battle ensued that cumulated on March 31, 2005 when she died at age 41, after the removal
of her feeding tube (Associated Press, 2005). American news media highlighted each event in the
dramatic battle over Terri Schiavo. As stated by Hoffmann (2005), 
news values of media. It could easily be personalized. It was a two-valued, either-or conflict.

The high level of publicity placed Terri Schiavo as a daily topic of conversation and the
American public became highly engaged in the events during her last month, often harshly
divided  Because most people obtain information
about current events through the mass news media, it becomes imperative for the media to
present accurate and reliable coverage of events. A significant amount of research in the field of
communication has focused on the bias of mass media coverage. It is certainly possible for
While the Nation Looked On 7
individual editors, writers, and reporters to insert their own opinions and personal biases and thus
news item. This phenomenon has been called agenda
extension and moves beyond the more popular concept of agenda setting (Denton & Kuypers,
2008). Whereas agenda setting happens when a publication or its reporters choose specific events
or issues to cover, agenda extension moves beyond telling its audience what to think about to
how to think about it (Denton & Kuypers, 2008). In short, neutrality takes a back row seat.
According to Altheide (1996), agenda setting and agenda extension exist when the media decides
be discussed and above all, how it will not be discussed (p.
31).
A number of communications studies focus on why the story of Terri Schiavo was
subject to such a large amount of media coverage (Sofka and Black, 2005; Roscoe, Osman, and
Haley, 2006). Why was the life of a private individual who could not even speak in her own
defense at the center of media coverage, both in America and across the world? Was it ethical for
family decisions to be broadcasted for the whole world to critique? Was this media coverage
consistent with the privacy rights of incapacitated patients?
Due to the focused nature of this study, this question of why Terri Schiavo was in the
news will not be examined. Instead, the question at hand is how national print media chose to
present, or frame, the story of Terri Schiavo. To frame is simply to use a frame of reference or
certain context when choosing to cover a story. Erving Goffman, one of the foremost scholars in
the area of framing, established that frames are cognitive structures that include elements of
organization and subjectivity. As such, they help guide representations and perceptions of reality
(Goffman, 1974; Holody, 2006). Whether consciously or unconsciously, reporters commonly use
frames to emphasize aspects of an issue they deem important.
While the Nation Looked On 8
Frames used in the specific news coverage of Terri Schiavo have been analyzed by
various communication scholars. While some studies focus on coverage by bloggers (Gray,
2007), websites (Hopkins Tanne, 2005), or broadcast media (George, 2005), others specifically
center on the focus of this study: print news media. For instance, one such study analyzed The
New York Times, The Washington Post, and USA Today for the use of Christian words and
Christian sources to determine whether an anti-Christian bias existed in the media coverage. The
study found that the newspapers did reference people who claimed to be Christians and represent
a Christian viewpoint (Kaylor, 2010). It established that there was not an imbalance in coverage
since Christians were included as sources (40 percent of the articles included at least one
religious reference). Kaylor also found that the Christian faith was predominantly represented, as
opposed to other faiths. Thus, Kaylor states that an anti-Christian bias does not exist in the media
coverage, and by this he means that Christians were included as sources and represented in news
coverage. But he does not code for tone, or valence positive, negative, or neutral, of each
mention, which would determine in what way Christians are represented in news.
Other studies stayed away from religious issues and focused on determining frames for
broader concepts that relate directly or indirectly to the Terri Schiavo story, including frames in
press releases about death with dignity (Holody, 2006), end of life care (Roscoe, Osman, &
Haley, 2006), surrogate decision making (Ditto, 2006), rights of the disabled (Sofka & Black,
2005), or physician assisted suicide (Kalwinsky, 1998).
The attempt made by individual journalists to follow common journalistic news values
(including impact, timeliness, prominence, proximity, conflict, and currency) while covering
Terri Schiavo was acknowledged in another scholarly article (Hodges, 2006). However, the
authors argued that journalists covering the Schiavo story were caught between a rock and a hard
While the Nation Looked On 9
 moral
beliefs. As a result, the study revealed that journalists were often inconsistent in their use of
terminology when covering Terri Schiavo.
The purpose of this quantitative study is to use framing analysis to discover the presence,
valence, and substance of dominant news frames employed by national print news media in the
cothe month leading up to her death in 2005. Because
the coverage of Terri Schiavo in 2005 made her a household name and since the subject of end-
of-life decisions is a serious matter with important consequences, discovering how the media
present information that can play a role in forming public opinion merits scholarly attention.
The researcher of this project will first present an overview of previous studies,
specifically those that analyzed the news coverage of Terri Schiavo and framing theory.
Following this literature review, the researcher will present the methodology, results, and
conclusions that this analysis derived.
While the Nation Looked On 10
Literature Review
In order to begin to address the research problems as stated in the introduction, a review
of current literature associated with the area of research is appropriate. The question of which
print news frames dominate in the coverage of the Terri Schiavo story involves two main areas
of literature. The first concerns the elements that make up the person, Terri Schiavo, including
her background, collapse, and the legal events spanning twelve years that lead up to her death.
This will be followed by a review of the extent of her media coverage, the public perception of
her situation in 2005, and a review of studies that have already analyzed the media coverage of
Terri Schiavo, both qualitatively and quantitatively.
The second main area of literature concerns the 
news media coverage will be analyzed. This study will specifically examine the use of framing
theory to identify dominant perspectives in American print mediaTerri Schiavo
during the month of her death. In order to complete this analysis, there must be an understanding
of the origins, development, and current uses of framing.
The Person, Terri Schiavo
Background (before 1990)
Theresa (Terri) Marie Schiavo was born to Bob and Mary Schindler on December 3,
1963 (Campo-Flores, 2005). Terri Schiavo grew up as the oldest of three children, in a middle-
class subdivision outside Philadelphia. There are a few known details about Terri Schiavo
life that play a significant role in the debate over her end-of-life decision. The Schindler family
was Roman Catholic and Terri Schiavo attended an all-girls Catholic high school. As a high
schooler, she was on the outskirts of the social circle, battling insecurity about her self-image. At
5 feet, 3 inches tall (Kollas & Boyer-Kollas, 2006), she reached 250 pounds as a high school
While the Nation Looked On 11
senior. She went on the NutriSystem diet and quickly lost 100 pounds. Not long after her weight
loss, she met her first boyfriend, Michael Schiavo, at Bucks County Community College
(Campo-Flores, 2005).
After dating for five months, Michael Schiavo proposed and they married in 1984. The
couple moved to St. Petersburg, Florida in 1986, shortly after the Schindlers moved to Florida
(Associated Press, 2005). Terri Schiavo worked as an insurance-claims clerk and her husband
managed a restaurant (Campo-Flores, 2005). While most court documents indicate that the
couple was happily married, some sources state that their marriage had some trouble areas just
before her collapse, with reports of Michael Schiavo acting in a controlling manner and the
couple experiencing stress over Terri Schiavo to get pregnant. Terri Schiavo went to
an obstetrician for fertility therapy. At this point in her life, Terri Schiavo was 110 pounds, but
her close friends and family did not suspect she had an eating disorder (although they looked
back after her collapse and saw that there was evidence of a disorder) (Campo-Flores, 2005).
Collapse (1990)
Terri Schiavo collapsed in her home at approximately 4:30 a.m. on February 25, 1990.
Her brain was deprived of oxygen for five minutes which ultimately led to her brain damage
(Gruberg, 2007). Paramedics revived her, but five minutes of oxygen deprivation had already
produced severe brain damage (Dresser, 2004). She collapsed due to a cardiac arrest, the cause of
which, to this day, is still unknown. Many suspect that it was provoked by bulimic purging that
generated a severe potassium deficiency (Campo-Flores, 2005).

the basis for the entire controversy. News coverage, however, did not primarily center on the
details of her medical state. Content analysis centering on Schiavo was conducted by Dr. Éric
While the Nation Looked On 12
Racine of the Institut de recherches cliniques de Montréal and others from Stanford University
and the University of British Columbia. They reviewed 1141 articles and over 400 letters to the
editor and found that only 1% of the articles defined persistent vegetative state. According to
Novella in his August 7, 2008 article on NeurologicaBlog: 
indicated that there was hope of recovery. That was the very crux of the controversy. Someone

While most specialists appeared t
they were challenged by other doctors. According to Michael Egnor, M.D., a professor of

a human being is an object, but not a subject. PVS is the only modern medical diagnosis that

believe that many of the medical opinions offered publicly by physicians who favored
wit
2008).
In the first three years after her collapse, the Schindler family and her husband worked
together in hopes that she would recover. However, in 1993 the family relationships
disintegrated (Gruberg, 2007). stands out as the point at which the
Schindlers and Michael Schiavo became strongly opposed (Campo-Flores, 2005). Michael
Schiavo had sued Terri Schiavoy therapy for malpractice,
believing that the obstetrician should have discovered Terri Schiavo, and
consequently her eating disorder (Campo-Flores, 2005). He won and received over $700,000 to
be used for Terri Schiavo, and on February 14, Michael Schiavo met with the
Schindlers in Terri Schiavoto discuss how to spend the money. Disagreement as
While the Nation Looked On 13
to how the money should have been spent led to a violent discussion and all parties left the room,
never to make up (Campo-Flores, 2005).
Legal Events (1990 through 2005)
A brief summary of the legal events leading up to Terri Schiavo
order to understand the issues covered by the print news media. After the Schindlers feuded with
Terri Schiavor,
their request was dismissed (Kollas & Boyer-Kollas, 2006). In May 1998, Michael Schiavo
submitted the first of many court petitions to withdraw Terri Schiavoe. Terri
Schiavo had left no living will or advance medical directive as to her desires if she were ever to
find herself under such circumstances. Florida law allowed the spouse of a person in a permanent
vegetative state to apply to a court for an order that the spouse be allowed to die if there was

2005). In response to Michael SchiavoJudge George Greer, of the Circuit Court of the
Sixth Judicial Court of Florida in Pinellas County, ordered the removal of Terri Schiavo
feeding tube for the first time in 2001. Thus began the long battle that moved the question of
whether Terri Schiavo should be kept alive from courts to the Florida legislature and ultimately
to the U.S. Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court.
In October 2003, Terri Schiavo the Florida legislature
mission to order doctors to reinsert the
feeding tube through Florida law enforcement. The Florida Supreme Court struck down 
Law in September 2004. March 2005 marks the final month when court action played out on
the federal level. A partisan debate on the case began in Congress. It was split between more
While the Nation Looked On 14
conservative, largely Republican, politicians, who sided with the Schindlers, and the more
moderate, liberal and largely Democrat politicians siding with Michael Schiavo.
heresa

 It allowed the case to move to the federal
courts, but the United States Supreme Court refused to reverse any lower court decision. On
March 30 the Supreme Court rejected Terri Schiavo appeal of the Florida court
that allowed removal of her feeding tube. On March 31, Terri Schiavo passed away thirteen days
after the removal of her feeding tube.
Media Coverage and Terri Schiavo
One of the most remarkable aspects of the Terri Schiavo story is the massive and

Haley, 2006). Scholars often speculate as to why the media focused solely on Terri Schiavo
when there were an estimated 15,000 patients in the U.S. who were in a PVS in 2005 and more
than 100,000 others who were in a minimally conscious state (Hirsch, 2005).
Pellicano and Gross (2007) point out that a study done by Green and Jarvis (2007)
revealed that there was a consistent and growing pattern of media coverage on physician assisted
t took the Terri Schiavo Pellicano
and Gross, 2007, p. 6). The reasons behind the wide publicity of  are up to
interpretation. Many commentators and researchers point to political, legal, and family public
battle factors that contributed to the large amount of media coverage. Regardless of why the
coverage was so great, the fact remains that the media did cover the story, and they covered it on
While the Nation Looked On 15
the local, national, and international level. Local news coverage was heavy in 2003, and
widespread national coverage began in 2004 (Gray, 2007).
It has been established that a news story can have a persuasive effect on its audience in
regards to an issue or event simply due to the frame implemented. Some researchers have looked
to determine what reactions the American public had to the coverage of the Terri Schiavo story.


intense media coverage created attitudinal perceptions of importance and also influenced

-
or having an EOL [end of life] 
The public perception of Terri Schiavo may be linked to the frames the media used to
describe her condition. Discovering causation or corroborative correlation is not the purpose of
this study, but it is important to note the views of the American public on the issue of Terri
Schiavo. During the Schiavo debate, public opinion was often measured and analyzed through
 world

human drama of Terri Schiavo's life and death played out on our television screens and in
ominantly showed support

News poll from March 20, 2005 indicated that more than 6 in 10 Americans favored the removal
of Terri SchiavoPellicano and Gross, 2007).
While the Nation Looked On 16
Due to the large amount of media attention and the element of family battle and public
perception, a number of communication scholars have analyzed the construction of news stories
on Terri Schiavo. The purposes, results, and methodologies of such studies are useful in forming
a background and framework for the current study. But first, an understanding of framing theory
is in order.
Framing theory
The first section of this chapter has sought to review literature defining the person of
Terri Schiavo, her background, collapse, and legal events leading up to her death, as well as her
media coverage and popularity. This study will analyze the media coverage of Terri Schiavo
through the use of framing theory, often termed framing analysis. As stated in Journalism and
Mass Communication QuarterlyOne of the most fertile areas of current research in journalism
 (Riffe, 2004). To properly
understand framing, one must comprehend its origins, development, and current uses.
Origins
Acknowledged by most scholars as the originator of framing analysis, Erving Goffman
(1922-1982) wrote his book titled Frame Analysis which set the foundation for the framing
theory as it is understood today. Goffman has been called the best-known sociologist of the
second half of the twentieth century and his version of framing analysis has become widely
accepted in the field of linguistics, including psychology and psychotherapy (Smith, 2006). In
broad terms, framing analysis addresses the organization and analysis of human experience and
the individual (Goffman, 1974). Simply put, frames are cognitive structures. They include
elements of organization and subjectivity that help guide representations and perceptions of
reality (Goffman, 1974; Holody, 2006).
While the Nation Looked On 17
Of use to communication scholars is the application of framing theory to published
media. d: 
of framing provide analytic resources to address the important distinction between what is said
and what is meant. Frames could be said to provide the appropriate context to make appropriate
sense of what is said (p. 66). Framing provides a practical way in which to analyze content for
dominant themes or central ideas through an empirical framework. Frame analysis basically


me analysis provides a general basis for the discovery and interpretation of
frames through content analysis. However, his works have been studied by communication
scholars who, in turn, have interpreted, extended, and applied his theory.
Development
One of the most well-known studies of framing theory was done by Robert Entman. He
is particularly relevant to the current study as he broke down the framing theory to apply to mass
media analysis. Entman defined media framing as a process by which select some aspect
of a perceived reality and make them more salient in a communicating text in a way that can
 (p.
52).
It is important to note that framing, by its very nature, is intrinsically connected with


for media content. As such, it provides immediate context to the recipient of the frame, through
While the Nation Looked On 18
-Ahern,
2007, p. 155).
Because a publication or author chooses (consciously or unconsciously) to frame an issue
in a specific way, a news story may very well persuade its audience on an issue simply due to the
frame implemented.
Media framing is critical to studies of news and social movements because the ways in
which journalists present a movement can influence public willingness to lend support.
Research demonstrates that manipulation of media frames can produce different attitudes
toward the same issue among a single group of respondents. Given the majority of
 to emerging social movements, media frames can be a
powerful influence in the construction of public opinion and can have direct
consequences for mobilization efforts (Bronstein, 2005, p. 786).
Studies often institute framing in order to determine the effects that perspectives of media
have on the public:

opinion, at least if the messages are one-sided with only a single dominant frame. Based
on the empirical evidence from the last decade and a half, Sniderman and Theriault

readily blown from one side of an issue to the very opposite depending on how the issue
is specifically framed (Slothuus, 2008, p. 1).
Thus, framing has been shown to have the potential to highly influence the public. The
ability to investigate media frames allows scholars to determine either of the following: if
While the Nation Looked On 19
dominant frames exist thematically or if those dominant frames have an effect on public opinion.
As stated above, the current quantitative study concerns itself with the first question.
Entman identified four functions of frames in media: to define problems, diagnose
causes, make moral judgments, 
than one of these four framing functions, although many sentences in a text may perform none of

Entman contributed greatly to the study of media frames as he broke down framing
theory into a workable system of analysis. He emphasized that framing related closely with the
salience of a work. In the same way that the concept of agenda setting determines which news
items are salient enough to cover, agenda extensiona category in which framing falls (Denton &
Kuypers, 2008)determines which parts within a news story are more salient than others.
Frames highlight some bits of information about an item that is the subject of a
communication, thereby elevating them in salience. The word salience itself needs to be
defined: It means making a piece of information more noticeable, meaningful, or
memorable to audiences. An increase in salience enhances the probability that receivers
will perceive the information, discern meaning and thus process it, and store it in
memory (Entman, 1993, p. 53).
Over the past several decades, other scholars have expanded upon the concept of media
framing. Tankard stated t
supplies a context and suggests what the issue is through the use of selection, emphasis,
(Tankard, 2003, p. 100). In effect, this means that the researcher
using these frames essentially teaches the reader how to think and what to conclude. Thus any
sense of journalistic objectivity or fairness is left by the wayside. The difficulty about framing is
While the Nation Looked On 20
the very fact that a journalist may, indeed, incorporate a frame unconsciously. And yet, a
journalist may also approach an issue or event with an agenda (carefully selecting sources, for
instance), in a conscious framing effort. Thus, the level of unconsciousness in using a frame is
always present and may be combined with conscious framing.
For the purpose of this study, it will be necessary to gather the needed information
empirically in a textual analysis. In order to determine the dominant frames in a piece of news,
various scholars. According to Gamson and
Modigliani, framing devices often employed by media organizations include metaphors,
exemplars (i.e. historical examples from which lessons are drawn), catchphrases, depictions, and
visual images (1989, p. 3). Thus, framing news stories in national newspapers, which is the focus
of this study, can be done through a systematic analysis of the content.
Current Uses
Since Goffman introduced the concept of frames, and specifically since Entman applied
framing to analysis of mass media, scholars have utilized it to understand how print media
presents information. However, it must be understood that framing research is often employed
for various purposes. Because of this, current framing research is often varied and diverse.
Framing analysis is still growing and scholars often disagree as to the application of framing as
well as a proper methodology (Scheufele, 2004). Scholars often employ different research
methods when utilizing framing. Some scholars use quantitative methods and others approach it
with qualitative methods, some use a discourse analysis and others utilize an empirical analysis.
The focus of this study is narrowed to simply discovering the nature of the media frames in
national newspapers. Consequently, an empirical content analysis will be employed. Other
studies on the same subject would, perhaps, take it a step further to discover if or how the
While the Nation Looked On 21
identified dominant frames actually affected audience thought. This could be done through a
quantitative study coupled with a qualitative study, such as a survey of newspaper readers.
The topics commonly analyzed through print news media frames often relate to social
issues. For instance, one study analyzed the British news media to specifically determine how
they frame older mothers (Shaw & Giles, 2009). The researcher first identified representation of
older mothers in the media as one potential source of social anxiety around older motherhood.
Through a framing therhood on ice
 the frames and the
beliefs and conversation about older mothers in U.K., by first citing former research that
explored the role that media have played in helping to shape public opinion about health through
news broadcasts and print media (Shaw & Giles, 2009).
Another study focused on a social issue covered by five United States newspapers. A
content analysis of 209 news stories sought to discover the level of fairness and balance in the
coverage of same-sex marriage (Xigen & Xudong, 2010). It was found that stories framed as
thematic were more likely to be fair and balanced than stories framed as episodic. Source
selection played a role in the framing analysis. Some studies choose to make source selection a
part of the methodology.


website of The New York Times in the U.S. as well as web media in U.K., Egypt and Qatar
(Dimitrova & Connelly-Ahern, 2007). In a comparative analysis, the researchers found that
online journalism shares many of the same characteristics as traditional journalism. The coverage
of wars differed in countries with different political and media systems and the dominant frames
While the Nation Looked On 22
were generally consistent with the national political environment of the respective online news
sites.
O Captain, My Captain! U.S Newspaper Framing of the Death of Captain America
(Serge, 2009) explored the presence of various frames through a content analysis of 139
newspaper articles (taken from a LexisNexus search of all U.S newspapers, including The New
York Times) covering the end of the comic . The study coded
for both frame substance and valence. It divided frames into two categories: generic/recurring
frames (Conflict, Human Interest, Economic Consequences, Morality, Responsibility,
Metacommunication, Speculation, Cynicism, Political Consequences, Game, Societal Impact/
National Identity) and issue-specific/recurring frames (Decline of America, Comic Book Death
as Temporary, Comic Book Death as Publicity Generator). Results of the study revealed that
frames were most likely to be neutral in valence and ambiguous in substance. Interestingly,
frames possessing negative valence were more likely to be ambiguous than frames possessing
positive valence.
Another study examined newspaper coverage of the Democratic and Republican
presidential and vice presidential candidates in the 2008 U.S. election . A total of
225 newspaper articles collected from The New York Times, the Chicago Tribune and USA
Today were analyzed for dominant frames and candidate focus. The study coded for three
dominant frames: experience, race, and viability. The results revealed that the newspapers placed
a greater importance on candidate image and viability than on policy issues, paying little
attention to the subject of age. Instead, articles focused on a more thorough coverage of race,
gender, and experience.
While the Nation Looked On 23
Some studies on framing include coding for dominant frames as well as source usage. As
stated previously, many factors contribute to framing. Certain researchers seek to identify
possible links between sources and dominant frames. One such study aimed to determine the
frames used during the South Dakota news media coverage of the Elijah Page death penalty case
and detect patterns of frame usage, valence of news coverage and source usage (Haley, 2010).
Haley instituted a content analysis of 163 South Dakota news reports from three years of media
coverage. The study coded for three frames: procedural justice, morality, and distributive justice.
Results revealed that the procedural frame was used most often, followed by the morality frame
and then the distributive justice frame. Valence was found to be mostly neutral although positive
and negative valence increased as the death penalty case entered its final year of coverage.
Results also revealed that news media relied most heavily on official sources and the study
concluded that frames shifted depending on the source cited. Thus, news frames affect source use
(Haley, 2010). Once a frame is implemented, that frame determines the level of importance
given to certain aspects of an issue or event and thus dictates sources used.
Studies such as these reveal that social topics are often analyzed through framing. Health
and medical topics also receive a high percentage of framing analysis. Since Terri Schiavo was a
medical-related issue as well as a social issue, it is helpful to review current framing literature
that analyzed medical issues in the print news, specifically medical issues that relate to the
Schiavo case. In a framing analysis of The New York Times The Guardian, Haller
and Ralph (2001) distinguished a number of major news frames associated with physician-
assisted suicide between 1996 and 1998 -held cultural beliefs about
 417). These frames consisted of the following:
1. The issue is about being for or against Jack Kevorkian.
While the Nation Looked On 24
2. Kevorkian associates are prominent news sources and crucial to defining the assisted
suicide issue.
3. Physician-assisted suicide is presented as an ambiguous legal and religious issue rather
than a human rights issue.
4. Disability issues are medicalized in the assisted-suicide debate.
5. Better dead than disabled.
6. Modern assisted deaths are different from past euthanasia of disabled people (p. 416).

receives the message that when people are disabled their quality of life is so poor and undignified
 Of interest to this study, Haller and Ralph specifically
studied 375 hard and soft news stories from The New York Times. The main thesis that
physician-assisted suicide was not framed as a disability issue was confirmed by the lack of
disability-related terminology in most of The New York Times Thus, Haller and
The New York Times (and The
Guardian) that pointed away from defining assisted suicide as a disability issue. It found that
 presented as an ambiguous issue, involving physical, religious, moral, and
legal uncertainties. In the United States specifically, the anti-assisted suicide movement is linked
to the anti--to-
Pellicano and Gross (2007) reviewed the current literature associated with physician
assisted suicide and discovered that much of the research revealed two distinct frames.
-assisted suicide, participants were subject to either of two frames, one
stressing a pro-
p. 9). These two frames were found to compete for dominance in American mass media.
While the Nation Looked On 25

(Gadson, 2003), two national U.S. newspapers dealing with various aspects of
elder care were analyzed during the 10-year period from 1987 to 1997. Two dominant frames
 personal obligations in

elder care was an elusive concept for the national news media. Their interesting conclusion
revealed that national news media are better suited, in regards to neutrality, to cover events rather
than issues. Studies such as these reveal that the current uses of framing theory fall neatly in line
with the purpose of this study.
As stated in the first section of the literature review, some studies have already directly

combined framing with another theory. Miller and Niven (2007) used content analysis to code
for the tone of the Schiavo debate, the tone of coverage of religious and activist voices, and the
frame of the article, with a focus on the debate and vote in Congress authorizing federal court
intervention. Two frames were discovered: a dominant consequence frame (one in which a
personal or moral question was at stake), and a less prevalent process frame (dealing with legal
or political questions) (Pellicano and Gross, 2007).
 study analyzed The New York Times, The Washington Post, USA
Today and The St. Petersburg Times, a local Florida paper to see how Terri Schiavo was
described (Pellicano and Gross, 2007). The researchers coded for five descriptions: 1) brain
dead; 2) brain-damaged; 3) brain-damaged with a disability; 4) persistent vegetative state (PVS),
found in the text ve

While the Nation Looked On 26
brain-damaged (29%), although other descriptions fall close behind (brain-damaged with a
disability: 22%; brain-
Pellicano and Gross, 2007, p. 13).
They also coded for three frames: moral, legal, and medical. Pellicano and Gross
originally hypothesized that the media would cover the moral aspects of the case most often,
since it seemed to be a big issue for the religious right. But, instead, they found that the media
reported on the legal aspects of the case more than the moral aspects.
They concluded their study by suggesting that the case of Terri Schiavo be viewed in

opinion as frames, or as mediators of the frames themselves, while also taking account for
-of-life caresuch as religiosity, ideology, political

many other important factors that play a role in establishing beliefs about end-of-life care.
Framing analysis has risen in popularity since Goffman and Entman and extensive
amounts of scholarly work have been devoted to discovering frames through content analysis. It
ollapse and the aftermath leading eventually to her death
have been highly documented throughout mass media, specifically print media. A large body of
research certainly exists for a study of this nature.
While the Nation Looked On 27
Methodology
The literature review discussed the amount of scholarly work that has been devoted to
discovering frames through content analysis. This chapter presents the methodology of the
content analysis undertaken in the current study. It will establish the hypothesis, research
questions, and the foundations provided by the framing theory. It will then provide details of the
content analysis to be used. Finally, it will present the way in which the results of the surveys
will be processed and formulated.
Research Questions and Hypotheses
The purpose of this quantitative study is to use framing analysis to discover the dominant

death in 2005. As reviewed in the literature review, the debate over whether to remove Terri
many different issues. A medical issue created family conflict
which escalated into a legal battle. This battle had political consequences that involved the moral
definition of life. But how do the articles in two distinct national newspapers choose to frame her
final month? The literature review  media coverage as well
as the public perception of her situation in the last month of her life, March through April of
2005. As stated by Holody (2006), the overall history of framing theory suggests that frames
have the very powerful effect of influencing how people view the world, by influencing how it
comes to be understood (p. 9). It is out of the scope of the study to determine a causal
relationship between the way in which the media covered her case and the way in which the
public perceived it. As stated earlier, qualitative studies have set out to answer that question.
However, readers may draw correlations between media and opinion based on the study. This
content analysis of newspaper articles was conducted to test the following research questions
While the Nation Looked On 28
(RQ), the answers to which were used to discuss the hypotheses (H) that flow from the research
questions.
The dominant frames in the print news meare addressed
by the following research questions:
RQ1: What were the dominant frames used by specific mainstream print news media
organizations to cover the Terri Schiavo case?
In addition to identifying frames alone, the study identified the types of sources used to help

rely heavily on these sources for information. Winners or losers, these sources are able to

RQ2: What are the sources cited in the media coverage of each newspaper?
The hypotheses, based upon the literature review, are as follows:
H1: Legal frames and frames with positive valence are more dominant in articles in The
New York Times.
H2: Moral frames and frames with negative valence are more dominant in articles in the
New York Post.
Method
Since the nature of the study is empirical, personally analyzing texts provided the
collection of data. Framing theory is subjective in nature. Thus, the process needs to be
systematic and replicable. It is important to understand the nature of a content analysis:
Content analysis is a research technique for making replicable and valid inferences from

to be reliable. More specifically, research techniques should result in findings that are
While the Nation Looked On 29
replicable. That is, researchers working at different points in time and perhaps under
different circumstances should get the same results when applying the same technique to
the same data (Krippendorff, 2004, p. 18).
McMillan (2000) established five primary steps taken to conduct proper content analysis.
The first step is to develop research questions, which has already been done. The second step is
to select a sample from which to draw data. The third step is to operationalize the coding units to
be used to answer the research questions. The fourth step is to code the data, after training has
been provided to all coders to establish sufficient reliability. The fifth and final step of content
analysis is to analyze and interpret the data gathered (Holody, 2006). The last four steps are
presented below.
Sample
The current study analyzed a sample of articles from The New York Times and the New
York Post. 
that newspapers in particular regularly serve to shape popular attitudes and beliefs, act as agents

These two papers have been chosen in part because of their established nature, location, and the
substantial audience sizes. The New York Times is the third largest newspaper in the country.

continuously published in New York City since 1859. The New York Post possesses deep roots
in American tradition as well. As the thirteenth-oldest newspaper published in the United States,
it is widely acknowledged as the oldest daily newspaper to have been published continuously.
The scope of these two print news media outlets should indicate how newspapers across the
United States covered the topic of Terri Schiavo.
While the Nation Looked On 30
Both publications were also chosen for their religious and political leanings. The New
York Times and the New York Post are believed to represent more liberal and conservative
perspectives respectively. The New York Post is owned by Rupert Murdoch, the founder,
chairman, and CEO of News Corporation and the owner of Fox News Channel. The New York
Times is owned by The New York Times Company. In 2007, a Rasmussen Reports survey of
public perceptions of major media outlets revealed that 40% believe The New York Times
possesses a liberal slant while only 11% think it has a conservative slant. A 2004 study
measuring media bias in national news media outlets gave The New York Times a rating of 73.7
on a 100 point scale, with 0 representing most conservative and 100 representing most liberal.
The study also ranked The New York Times a 19 out of 20, with 20 being the publication that was
farthest away from center, or the average voA scores (Groseclose, 2005).
The newspaper articles were found using the Lexis-Nexis database by imputing the

HLEAD(Schiavo). Date restrictions were applied to the sample, beginning on March 17, 2005,

the day after she passed away. Both hard news and soft news (news reports, analysis, feature
stories and editorial and opinion pieces) were analyzed in the data set. The reasoning behind

that specific content to be published along with hard news. As such, editorial and opinion pieces
identify each newspaper.
In addition, only substantive news coverage of the Terri Schiavo case was analyzed. To
determine a substantive article, articles could not mention Schiavo in passing. Duplicate articles
and news summaries were removed as it was determined that these types of articles were not
While the Nation Looked On 31
substantively about the Schiavo case. The initial query for the New York Post resulted in 49
articles. 11 articles were deemed unsubstantial by the main coderthe majority only mentioned
Schiavo in passingand were taken from the sample. The initial query for The New York Times
resulted in 175 articles. 105 unsubstantial articles, primarily consisting of letters to the editor and
news summaries, were removed. 70 articles remained to be coded. In order to analyze similar
sample sizes, half of the 70 articles were coded, generated using the RAND function on an Excel
spreadsheet. A total of 35 articles from the New York Post and 35 articles from The New York
Times were then analyzed.
Operationalization
Accordi
their presence, valence, and level of substance, how a journalist intends an issue to be
understood (p. 23). In order for coding to take place, framing devices must first be identified.
The framing devices utilized in this study were 
framing devices often employed by media organizations include metaphors, exemplars (i.e.
historical examples from which lessons are drawn), catchphrases, and depictions (1989, p. 3). As
a result of a thorough review of the literature, the researcher chose five generic frames with
are as
follows: (1) political consequences frame, (2) legal process frame, (3) medical frame, (4) moral
frame, and (5) family/relational conflict frame. These frames have been proven to exist in
national newspaper coverage of social issues and events similar to the Terri Schiavo case. The
frames are defined as follows:
(1) Political Consequences Frame: Defined as a focus on any short or long-term political
consequences that would come from the outcome of the Schiavo story. Political consequences
While the Nation Looked On 32
may involve normal political events such as elections. The consequences may be either positive
or negative, and may be for an individual (e.g., a politician; physician) or a group (e.g.,
Republicans, Democrats) (Serge, 2009).
(2) Legal Process Frame: Defined as a focus on the legality of any steps intended to keep

jurisdiction; the authority and action of judges. Such legal action may be positive (pro-feeding
tube removal) or negative (anti-feeding tube removal) (Pellicano and Gross, 2008).
(3) Medical Frame: Defined as a focus on the medical nature of the case. There must be
an argument offered to code for this, not just description, i.e., Terri Schiavo is brain-dead, there
is too much brain-damage to recover/persistent vegetative state prevents recovery and Terri
Schiavo is brain-damage but can recover (Pellicano and Gross, 2008).
(4) Moral Frame: Defined as a focus on any moral or religious beliefs dealing with the
outcome of the Schiavo story. Such beliefs may be positive (pro-feeding tube removal) or
negative (anti-feeding tube removal), and can be secular in nature. Does the story contain a
moral message? Does the story make reference to morality, God, or other religious tenets? Does
the story offer specific (social) prescriptions or solutions about how to behave/act (Serge, 2009)?
(5) Family/Relational Conflict Frame: Defined as the direct mention of any conflict
s
and husband). This kind of coverage makes winning and losing the central concern and may be
diagnostic in nature or focus on who is seemingly triumphant in this conflict. Does the story
reflect disagreement between family and husband? Does one party/individual reproach another?
Does the story refer to two sides or to more than two sides of the problem/issue (Serge, 2009)?
While the Nation Looked On 33

(positive, neutral, negative) and substance (substantive, ambiguous) given to each. Valence
involves the tone of a particular frame. A frame can be classified by its valence whether it
inherently stressed positive, negative, or both positive and negative aspects of a given issue or
person, particularly a controversial issue or person. Valence was measured in this study to
The
Pellicano and Gross (2007) study reviewed the current literature associated with physician

stressing pro-
(p. 9). This researcher utilized similar valence definitions in this study in order to analyze Terri

1 = positive (pro-removal claim) described news reports that depicted the removal of

feeding tube and/or in relation to ceding full legal rights to Michael Schiavo (for him to then
remove the feeding tube). 2 = neutral included news reports that demonstrated both a positive
 report whose valence
cannot be deciphered as positive or negative also fell under this category. 3 = negative (against-

bad light. This included explicit argument against the removal of the feeding tube, thus keeping
it in, and/or not ceding full legal rights to Michael Schiavo. It could be to give legal rights back

the story (Pellicano and Gross, 2008, p. 29).
While the Nation Looked On 34
In light of the purpose of this study, multiple frames can be found within a single article.
Frames do not necessarily appear in the same degree, however. One article may include a variety
of substantive and ambiguous frames. For example, as stated by Holody (2006):
While conflict may be mentioned in an off-handed, rather insubstantial manner in a
newspaper story, the very fact that the journalist chose to mention it is indicative of a
frame and was coded f

not, the presence of such a frame indicates in part how readers are meant to understand
the issue being discussed (p. 23).
Thus, each frame was coded as either substantive or ambiguous in order to indicate the
amount of coverage devoted to that particular frame. Holody (2008) measured substance and his
definition was used as a guide for the current study. Substantive frames met the following

frame? The frame being coded for is prominent throughout at least one third of the overall story.
Although the frame may not be the sole focus of the release, the author does utilize significant
p. 
the frame being coded for vague and lacking in context surrounding discussion of the particular
frame? The frame is present but is featured with negligible to moderate prominence. The author
may not focus on the frame  (Holody, p. 80). Coders were also
asked to provide a noteworthy statement from each article. This enabled the theme, or dominant
frame, of each article to be captured in a single sentence.
To address RQ2, each article was coded as having a specific source. These included: 1)
Michael Schiavo; 2) the Schindler parents and family; 3) lawyers; 4) doctors; 5) journalists; 6)
While the Nation Looked On 35
elected and government officials; 7) courts; 8) religious groups and leaders; 9) man on street; and
10) all other sources (Pellicano and Gross, 2007). Each source was coded for valence (positive,
neutral, negative).
Coding
Based on prior research addressed in the literature review, and on the research questions,
code sheets were developed. After the researcher finished the coding process, roughly 10% of the
articles from each newspaper was randomly chosen and analyzed by a second coder. The second
coder was a college graduate with a degree in Engineering. Four articles from the New York Post
and four articles from The New York Times were coded by the second coder. This coder received
basic training on the coding scheme and the concepts of framing theory. Questions based on
coder opinion, such as providing a noteworthy statement from each article, were not tested for
reliability. The 
(Saris-gallhofer, 1978) intercoder reliability (IR) formula. An agreement of 76.6% was reached
between coders. After intercoder reliability was established, data were analyzed.
In summary, the quantitative design was chosen as the method for this study due to its
congruence with easily-measured, content analysis. Data was collected from The New York
Times and the New York Post. Articles were coded for the presence, valence, and substance of
frames. The use of sources was analyzed to determine how they contributed to frames. The
researcher coded, clustered, and compared collected data to reveal themes that manifested
themselves.
While the Nation Looked On 36
Results
This study examined the New York Post and The New York Times news coverage of the
Terri Schiavo case over a one-month period. It aimed to determine 1) what frames were used in
the news coverage, 2) if the frames used differed between the two newspapers, and 3) who or
what were the sources used in the news media coverage. Each article was analyzed for the
prevalence (present or absent), level of substance (substantive or ambiguous), and valence
(positive, neutral, or negative) of frames, and then compared using tests for frequency and chi-
square significance.
Results
The total sample population for this study was 70 articles (35 from each newspaper).
Story classification was divided into two categories: hard news and soft news. Soft news
included features, editorial pieces, and opinion pieces. The sample from the New York Post
included 62.9% hard news (n = 22) and 37.1% soft news (n = 13). The sample from The New
York Times consisted of 71.4% hard news (n = 25) and 28.6% soft news (n = 10).
(N=35) % (N=35) %
Story Classification
Hard News 22 62.9% 25 71.4%
Soft News/Features/Editorial/Opinion 13 37.1% 10 28.6%
Total 35 35
New York Post
New York Times
Story Classification
Frames Present
RQ1 asked which dominant frames were used by specific mainstream print news media
organizations to cover the Terri Schiavo case. To answer this question, the New York Post and
The New York Times articles were analyzed for five frames: political consequences frame, legal
While the Nation Looked On 37
process frame, medical frame, moral frame, and family conflict frame. Frequency of all frames
present in the sample was calculated.
Analysis revealed that most articles included 2-4 frames. A total of 81 frames were
identified in the New York Post articles and a total of 67 frames were identified in The New York
Times articles. The political consequences frame was present in 37.1% of New York Post articles
(n = 13) and 37.1% of The New York Times articles (n = 13). The legal process frame was
present in 71.4% of the New York Post articles (n = 25) and 54.3% of The New York Times
articles (n = 19). The medical frame was only present in 34.3% of the New York Post articles (n
= 12) and 22.9% of The New York Times articles (n = 8). The moral frame was present in 57.1%
of the New York Post articles (n = 20) and 60% of The New York Times articles (n = 21). Finally,
the family/relational conflict frame existed in 31.4% of the New York Post articles (n = 11) and
17.1% of The New York Times articles (n = 6).
New York Post Frames
N
The New York Times Frames
N
Legal Process Frame 25 Moral Frame 21
Moral Frame 20 Legal Process Frame 19
Political Consequences Frame 13 Political Consequences Frame 13
Medical Frame
12 Medical Frame 8
Family/Relational Conflict Frame 11 Family/Relational Conflict Frame 6
Number of Frames
Valence of Frames
Both hypotheses concern the valence of frames (positive, negative, or neutral). To

frames was calculated. Neutral frames were most prominent in the sample from New York Post
(53.1%, n = 43), followed by negative frames (29.6%, n = 24) and positive frames (17.3%, n =
14). Neutral frames were also most prominent in The New York Times (50.7%, n = 34), followed
by positive frames (46.3%, n = 31) and negative frames (3%, n = 2).
While the Nation Looked On 38
Among individual frames, most followed this overall trend, although there was variation
among some frames. The political consequences frame possessed positive valence only 1 of the
13 times it occurred in the New York Post selection (2.9%, n = 1) but 8 of 13 times in The New
York Times (22.9%, n = 8). The political consequences frame was tested for chi-square
significant differences in its valence between the two newspapers. The result was chi-
square=9.59 and the difference of proportions was significant at p = 0.022. The frame possessed
negative valence 3 of the 13 times it occurred (8.6%, n = 3) in the New York Post while it did not
exist at all (0%) in The New York Times.
New York Post
New York Times
Frame Valence
The legal process frame was tested for chi-square significant differences in its valence
between the two newspapers. The result was chi-square=10.0 and the difference in valence was
significant at p = 0.018. The legal process frame possessed positive valence 6 of the 25 times it
occurred in the New York Post selection (17.1%, n = 6) and 9 of the 19 times it occurred in The
New York Times (25.7%, n = 9). A legal process frame with neutral valence occurred most
frequently in both the New York Post (31.4%, n = 11) and The New York Times (28.6%, n = 10)
while a negative legal process frame occurred in 8 of the 25 times in the New York Post (22.9%,
n = 8) and no times in The New York Times (0%).
While the Nation Looked On 39
New York Post
New York Times
Frame Valence
The medical frame was tested for chi-square significant differences in the valence
between the two newspapers. The result was chi-square = 5.57 and the difference in valence was
approaching significance at p = 0.056. The medical frame possessed positive valence 3 of the 12
times it occurred in the New York Post selection (9%, n = 3) and 6 of the 8 times it occurred in
The New York Times (17.1%, n = 3). It possessed neutral valence 9 of the 12 times it occurred in
the New York Post (25.7%, n = 9) and 2 of the 8 times it occurred in The New York Times (5.7%,
n = 2). A medical frame with a negative valence did not occur in either publication. 65.7% of the
New York Post articles (n = 23) did not possess a medical frame and 77.1% of The New York
Times articles (n = 27) did not possess a medical frame.
(N=35) % (N=35) %
Medical Frame
Positive: Pro-feeding tube removal 3 8.6% 6 17.1%
Neutral: Both sides evenly represented 9 25.7% 2 5.7%
Negative: Anti-feeding tube removal 0 0.0% 0 0.0%
Not present: Frame does not appear in article 23 65.7% 27 77.1%
Total 35 100.0% 35 100.0%
*chi-square=5.57; p=0.056
New York Post
New York Times
Frame Valence
The moral frame was tested for chi-square significant differences in frame valence
between the two newspapers. The result was chi-square = 6.89 and the difference in valence was
p = 0.076. The moral frame possessed positive valence 3 of the 25 times it occurred in the New
While the Nation Looked On 40
York Post selection (8.6%, n = 3) and 7 of the 26 times it occurred in The New York Post (20%, n
= 7). It possessed a negative valence 9 of the 25 times it occurred in the New York Post (25.7%, n
= 9) and 2 of the 26 times it occurred in The New York Times (5.7%, n = 2).
(N=35) % (N=35) %
Moral Frame
Positive: Pro-feeding tube removal 3 8.6% 7 20.0%
Neutral: Both sides evenly represented 8 22.9% 12 34.3%
Negative: Anti-feeding tube removal 9 25.7% 2 5.7%
Not present: Frame does not appear in article 15 42.9% 14 40.0%
Total 35 100.0% 35 100.0%
*chi-square=6.89; p=0.076
New York Post
New York Times
Frame Valence
The family/relational conflict frame was tested for chi-square significant differences in
frame valence between the two newspapers. The result was chi-square = 27.6 and the difference
in valence was significant at p = 0.00. Family/relational conflict frame possessed equal positive
valence in both the New York Post and The New York Times (2.86%, n = 1). A family/relational
conflict frame with negative valence occurred 4 of the 11 times in the New York Post (11.4%, n =
4) and did not appear in The New York Times (0%). It was not present in 68.6% of the New York
Post and 82.9% of The New York Times.
(N=35) % (N=35) %
Family/Relational Conflict Frame
Positive: Pro-feeding tube removal 1 2.9% 1 2.86%
Neutral: Both sides evenly represented 6 17.1% 5 14.3%
Negative: Anti-feeding tube removal 4 11.4% 0 0%
Not present: Frame does not appear in article 24 68.6% 29 82.9%
Total 35 100.0% 35 100.00%
*chi-square=27.6; p=0.00
New York Post
New York Times
Frame Valence
Substance of Frames
While the Nation Looked On 41
Research question 1 (RQ1) asked which dominant frames were used by specific
mainstream print news media organizations to cover the Terri Schiavo case. To answer this
question, frequency of the number of ambiguous and substantive frames was calculated along
with frame presence/absence and valence. Overall, ambiguous frames (56.8%, n = 46) were more
prevalent than substantive frames (43.2%, n = 35) in the New York Post sample. Substantive
frames (62.7%, n = 42) were more prevalent than ambiguous frames (37.3%, n = 25) in The New
York Times sample.
While the Nation Looked On 42
(N=35) % (N=35) %
Political Consequences Frame
Substantive 7 20.0% 8 22.9%
Ambiguous 6 17.1% 5 14.3%
Total 13 37.1% 13 37.1%
Legal Process Frame
Substantive 10 28.6% 12 34.3%
Ambiguous 15 42.9% 7 20.0%
Total 25 71.4% 19 54.3%
Medical Frame
Substantive 3 8.6% 7 20.0%
Ambiguous 9 25.7% 1 2.9%
Total 12 34.3% 8 22.9%
Moral Frame
Substantive 11 31.4% 12 34.3%
Ambiguous 9 25.7% 9 25.7%
Total 20 57.1% 21 60.0%
Family/Relational Conflict Frame
Substantive 4 11.4% 3 8.6%
Ambiguous 7 20.0% 3 8.6%
Total 11 31.4% 6 17.1%
New York Post
New York Times
Frame Substance
Each frame was analyzed individually to determine whether significant differences
existed in substance within frames. In the New York Post sample, the frame that was most
substantive (n = 11) more than ambiguous (n = 9) was the moral frame, followed closely by the
political consequences frame which was also substantive (n = 7) more than ambiguous (n = 6).
All other frames were more ambiguous. In The New York Times sample, all frames were found to
While the Nation Looked On 43
be substantive, with the exception of the family/relational conflict frame with equal substantive
and ambiguous frames (8.6%, n = 3).
Sources Cited
Along with identifying and analyzing frames, the use of sources was analyzed to
determine how they contributed to existing frames. A total of ten categories were chosen with
which to analyze the first and second source cited in each article. The sources were tested for
chi-square significant differences in sources. The result was chi-square = 25.3 and the difference
was significant at p = 0.001. Results revealed that the sources with the highest percentages (used
most frequently) in the New York Post were man on street (25.7%, n = 9), the Schindler parents
and family (22.9%, n = 8), religious groups and leaders (22.9%, n = 8), and lawyers (20%, n =
7).
The most frequently cited sources in The New York Times were elected government
officials (45.7%, n = 16), doctors (25.7%, n = 9), lawyers (17.1%, n = 6), and religious groups
and leaders (14.9%, n = 5).
0.0%
0.0%
2.9%
5.7%
14.3%
17.1%
20.0%
22.9%
22.9%
25.7%
1. Michael Schiavo
5. Journalists
4. Doctors
7. Courts
6. Elected and government officials
10. All other sources
3. Lawyers
2. The Schindler parents and family
8. Religious groups and leaders
9. Man on street
New York Post Sources
Percentage of articles that included each source
While the Nation Looked On 44
Neither Michael Schiavo nor journalists were cited as the first two sources in either
newspaper. The source with the lowest percentage in the New York Post sample was doctors
(2.9%, n = 1) and the source with the lowest percentage in The New York Times was man on
street (2.9%, n = 1). 24 articles in the New York Post sample and 18 articles in The New York
Times did not include any sources.
Sources Number % Score Number % Score
0. No Source Included 24 68.6% 0 18 51.4% 0
1. Michael Schiavo 0 0% 0 0 0% 0
2. The Schindler parents and family 8 22.9% 3 2 5.7% 3
3. Lawyers 7 20.0% 2 6 17.1% 1.5
4. Doctors 1 2.9% 2 9 25.7% 1.6
5. Journalists 0 0% 0 0 0% 0
6. Elected and government officials 5 14.3% 2.6 16 45.7% 2.5
7. Courts 2 5.7% 2 2 5.7% 1.5
8. Religious groups and leaders 8 22.9% 2.8 5 14.90% 2.6
9. Man on street 9 25.7% 2.9 1 2.9% 2
10. All other sources 6 17.1% 1.6 11 31.4% 1.9
*chi-square=25.3; df=8; p=0.001
New York Post
New York Times
Sources
0.0%
0.0%
2.9%
5.7%
5.7%
14.9%
17.1%
25.7%
31.4%
45.7%
1. Michael Schiavo
5. Journalists
9. Man on street
2. The Schindler parents and family
7. Courts
8. Religious groups and leaders
3. Lawyers
4. Doctors
10. All other sources
6. Elected and government officials
The New York Times Sources
Percentage of articles that included each source
While the Nation Looked On 45
Each source was given a score to enable coding for valence. The average score for the
New York Post articles was 2.3625 and the average score for The New York Times articles was
2.075. The score maps the valence of the sources within each article on a scale from 1 to 3, with
1 representing positive valence and 3 representing negative valence.
0
0
0
1.5
1.5
1.6
1.9
2
2.5
2.6
3
1. Michael Schiavo
5. Journalists
0. No Source Included
3. Lawyers
7. Courts
4. Doctors
10. All other sources
9. Man on street
6. Elected and government officials
8. Religious groups and leaders
2. The Schindler parents and family
The New York Times Source Valence
1 = Positive/Pro-feeding tube removal, 2 = Neutral, 3 = Negative/Anti-feeding tube removal
The scores in eight of the categories reveal that the New York Post was higher (closer to
negative valence) than the score in The New York Post of the same category. The exception was
the Schindler parents and family category in which both newspapers matched scores (3) as well
as the all other sources category, in which The New York Times received a score of 1.9 and the
New York Post received a score of 1.6.
While the Nation Looked On 46
0
0
0
1.6
2
2
2
2.6
2.8
2.9
3
0. No Source Included
1. Michael Schiavo
5. Journalists
10. All other sources
3. Lawyers
4. Doctors
7. Courts
6. Elected and government officials
8. Religious groups and leaders
9. Man on street
2. The Schindler parents and family
New York Post Source Valence
1 = Positive/Pro-feeding tube removal, 2 = Neutral, 3 = Negative/Anti-feeding tube removal
While the Nation Looked On 47
Conclusions
Discussion
The purpose of this study was to examine the framing of the Terri Schiavo case in the
month leading up to her death. The study examined how newspaper coverage depicted her case
with a focus on extracting dominant frames. All data was analyzed for the prevalence (present or
absent), level of substance (substantive or ambiguous), and valence (positive, neutral, or
negative) of frames. Sources were additionally analyzed since a review of the literature revealed
a possible relation between source use and framing. The content analysis of two leading U.S.
national newspapers, The New York Times and New York Post, revealed that the case of Terri
Schiavo was, in fact, a rich area for research. Answering the research questions and testing the
hypotheses resulted in insightful areas for discussion. Possibly the area of most interest is the
apparent difference between the frames (including valence, substance, and sources) of the two
publications. The possible implications of this are important due to the very nature of the framing
framing theory suggests that frames have the very powerful
effect of influencing how people view the world, by influencing how it comes to be underst
(Holody, 2006, p. 9). Finally, specific limitations arose as this study was conducted as well as
ideas for further research.
Articles classified as both hard news and soft news were included in the sample. The New
York Post sample contained more soft news pieces than The New York Times. This is not
surprising as the New York Post is known for its generous amount of feature stories and opinion
pieces. As stated by New York Post [is] tabloid sized, consisting of about 130
pages including the ads. [It appeals to] a blue-collar working class and middle-educated sports
minded readership which dwells in the boroughs and has neither time nor patience for The New
While the Nation Looked On 48
York Times However, the difference between the hard news
articles and soft news articles present in the two newspapers was not significant.
Dominant Frames
This study supports prior research about the prevalence of generic frames. RQ1 asked
ominant frames used by specific mainstream print news media organizations to
and all five frames
were found in each newspaper. The two frames that occurred most frequently were the legal
process frame and moral frame. Statements in the newspapers such as, his is heart-wrenching
for all AmericaBut the issue before this Congress is not an emotional one.
It is simply one  (The New York Times, article no. 12) demonstrate
the article legality, rather than morality.

feeding tube have a view of life that is profoundly different from those who have sided with her
New York Post, article no. 29) reveal the moral frame.
H1 and H2 stated that legal frames would be more dominant in articles in The New York
Times and moral frames would be more dominant in the New York Post. This, however, was not
the case. The New York Times had fewer legal frames (54.3%, n = 19) than the New York Post
(71.4%, n = 25) and more moral frames (60%, n = 21) than the New York Post (57.1%, n = 20).
This shows that The New York Times 
moral issue the majority of the time. However, this does not necessarily mean that articles
explicitly or implicitly contained a moral message or made reference to morality, God or other
religious tenets. The moral frame does include frames with moral messages and faith references,
but it also includes the offer of specific (social) prescriptions or solutions about how to
While the Nation Looked On 49
behave/act (Serge, 2009). In addition, The New York Times possessed only one more moral
frame than the New York Post.
Legal frames were more dominant in the New York Post. This reveals that issues such as

prevalent in the New York Post sample. The significance of these findings regarding moral
frames (arguably consequence-oriented) and legal frames (arguably process-oriented) exists
mainly when combined with frame valence.
Frame Valence
Both H1 and H2 involve frame valence. This study also supports prior research about
frames possessing either a positive, neutral, or negative valence (de Vreese & Boomgaarden,
2006). H1 states that frames with positive valence will be more dominant in articles in The New
York Times and H2 states that frames with negative valence will be more dominant in articles in
the New York Post. A previous study that centered on framing the death with dignity debate
(Holody, 2006) revealed an important finding. Holody states that the mere use of frames is not
indicative of coverage driving coverage. The ways in which the subject was talked about were
very similar, but how the newspapers actually discussed the issue, significantly, was not (p. 54).
Since both The New York Times and the New York Post utilized the same frames (with a slight
differing in presence) an added difference lies in valence and substance.
A frame can be classified by its valencewhether it inherently stressed positive,
negative, or both positive and negative aspects of a given issue or person, particularly a
controversial issue or person. Valence was measured in this study to indicate the overall tone of
Studies have shown that valence
ial issues, specifically, are often laden with
While the Nation Looked On 50
valence and  ability to impact public opinion on a topic of national interest (i.e.
moral, legal, or political) has many implications. As stated by De Vreese and Boomgaarden
(2003), a study by 
exposure to news frames with an inherent valence affected public support for political issues
Thus, the discovery of news

possible correlation between frames and impact on public opinion.
Neutral frames were most prominent (over 50%) in the sample from both publications.
However, the similarity ends here. The New York Post possessed 24 (29.6%) frames with a
negative valence, followed by 14 (17.3%) positive frames. In contrast, The New York Times
possessed 31 positive frames (46.3%) and only 2 negative frames (both of the 2 frames existing
in the moral frame at 3% of the total article population). Thus, 4 of the 5 frames in The New York
Times sample had a negative valence of 0%. This difference in overall valence is markedly
telling of the way in which each paper framed the Schiavo case. As discovered by Holody (2006)

to discuss physician-
using these frames at similar levels of substance, the newspapers are not using frames with the
4).
Quotes, facts, word choice, and stories all play into creating a theme (and thus, a frame).
The New York Post possessed almost ten times the amount of negative valence in regards to Terri
Schiavo than The New York Times. This is an overall measuring, meaning that across all five
frames in general, The New York Times was almost ten times less likely to present an anti-
feeding tube removal frame. An example of such a frame can be shown in this noteworthy
While the Nation Looked On 51
statement pulled from hard news article no. 65 from The New York Times
King, then president of the Senate, bowed to intense pressure to take legislative action that he
now says violated the principles of the earlier statute. This positive, pro-removal frame is in
strong contrast with the 46.3% positive, anti-removal frames of the New York Post. An example
vo is
 These findings directly support the second half of H1 and H2:
frames with positive valence are more dominant in articles in The New York Times and frames
with negative valence are more dominant in articles in the New York Post. A finding that was not
identified in either hypothesis was the wide difference in the negative and positive frames in The
New York Times. While the New York Post12.3%
difference between them, The New York Times negative and positive frames had a 43.3%
difference. This, along with the fact that The New York Post only included a negative valence in
one frame, shows lean of a much larger degree toward the positive, pro-feeding tube removal
valence in The New York Times than the New York Post’s more balanced, less extreme, lean
toward the anti-feeding tube removal valence.
Political Consequences Valence
Among individual frames, most followed the overall trend in valence. The most notable
results in regards to the political consequences frame were the frequency with which a frame
with positive valence occurred in both publications. The New York Post possessed positive
valence only 1 of the 13 times it occurred (2.9%, n = 1) while occurring 8 of 13 times in The
New York Times (22.9%, n = 8). Thus, close to 3% of the New York Post articles displayed a
frame that put the political consequences of the Schiavo case in a pro-feeding tube removal, pro-
Michael Schiavo light while almost 23% of The New York Times articles did the same. This is
While the Nation Looked On 52
hardly surprising as the political track record of each newspaper has been analyzed in the past
and found to be far removed ideologically and politically. For instance, it is historical fact that
The New York Times has openly endorsed a Democratic presidential candidate every election
cycle since John F. Kennedy in 1960 (NYTimes.com). This, of course, includes Barack Obama
in 2008. The New York Post, on the other hand, endorsed George Bush (Republican) in 2004 and
John McCain (Republican) in 2008 (NYPost.com).
There is evidence that the Terri Schiavo debate was divided deeply down the line
between Democrats (pro-feeding tube removal) and Republicans (anti-feeding tube removal), as
shown in this political consequences frame from the New York Post:
So the idea of Congress convening a weekend session to push through a potentially
precedent-setting law for one single individual, with little regard to the long-term
consequences, is profoundly troubling. Political opportunism? No question about it. And
if you don't believe that, just look at the Republican memo discovered by ABC News: It
-
being debated. Or look at House Democrats who opposed the new 
embraced what amounts to states'-rights federalism (no. 42).
Thus, the idea that almost 23% of the political consequences frames in The New York
Times were positive (pro-feeding tube removal) and 0% negative while only 2.9% of the New
York Post articles were positive (with 8.6% negative)
political leaning. In fact, the only semi-surprising outcome is the fact that the New York Post had
such a small number of negative frames (when compared to the 25.7% neutral). These findings
support the second half of H1 and H2: frames with positive valence are more dominant in articles
While the Nation Looked On 53
in The New York Times and frames with negative valence are more dominant in articles in the
New York Post.
Legal Process Valence
The most notable difference between newspaper articles containing the legal process
frame was the existence (or non-existence, as the case may be) of the legal process frame with
negative valence. 28.6% of the New York Post articles contained a negative valence while 0%
percent of The New York Times articles contained a negative valence. Hence, not a single article

was included in The New York Times sample. This means that none of the following themes were
solely represented: Constitutional rights have been violated/need to be protected, legal rights

right to be heard, and attempts for jurisdiction have failed (Sean, 2009).
These findings directly support the second half of H1 and H2: frames with positive
valence are more dominant in articles in The New York Times and frames with negative valence
are more dominant in articles in the New York Post.
Medical Valence
The most important item in regards to the results of the existence of the medical frame in
both publications is the limited mention of either theme. This is consistent with findings in the
Pellicano and Gross (2007) content analysis of coverage of the Terri Schiavo case in The New
York Times, Washington Post, and USA Today as well as the St. Petersburg Times. They stated,

65.7% of the New York Post articles (n = 23) and 77.1% of The New York Times articles
(n = 27) did not possess a medical frame. This is interesting considering that much of the debate
While the Nation Looked On 54
As stated in a New York Times article,

she in a persistent vegetative state, or in a milder state of brain damage called minimal
Two things of interest rise to the surface when considering the valence of the
medical frame. First, neither publication possessed a negative medical frame (0%). Second, the
New York Post predominantly featured neutral frames (9 of the 12 frames were neutral) while
The New York Times predominantly featured positive frames (6 of the 8 frames). This is
consistent with the overarching frame valence as well as the individual valences of almost all
other frames. The New York Times used the medical frame to support a pro-feeding tube removal
claim (positive). These findings support the second half of H1 but do not directly support the
second half of H2.
Moral Valence
The most statistically significant difference between the valence of moral frames in the
New York Post and The New York Times is in the presence of negative valence. The moral frame
possessed a negative valence 9 of the 25 times it occurred in the New York Post and 2 of the 26
times it occurred in The New York Times. As stated previously, The New York Times contained a
larger percentage of moral frames throughout the sample than did the New York Post. This did
not support the first half of H2. However, the second half of H2 pertaining to the valence of
frames was fully supported. 33.3% of all moral frames found in The New York Times were
positive compared to 9.5% negative. The second half of H1 was also fully supported in that 45%
of all moral frames were negative and only 15% positive. A New York Post article (n. 45) stated
the reasoning behind the difference well: e Schiavo case is a perfect
While the Nation Looked On 55
reflection of the cultural divide between those Americans in whose life faith plays a central role

The valence findings within the moral frame are consistent with other valence framings
and reveal the way in which each newspaper decides to present the multi-faceted issue of Terri
Schiavo. While The New York Times did possess more moral frames, the largest statistical
significance was in the difference between the use of a negative valence (a difference of 20%
between the two publications).
Family/Relational Conflict Valence
Only 11 occurrences of the family/relational conflict frame were found in the New York
Post and 6 in The New York Times. As such, the frame was not shown to be as prominent as the
previous frames. These findings directly support the second half of H1 and H2: frames with
positive valence are more dominant in articles in The New York Times and frames with negative
valence are more dominant in articles in the New York Post.
Frame Substance
Research question 1 (RQ1) asked which dominant frames were used by specific
mainstream print news media organizations to cover the Terri Schiavo case. Overall, ambiguous
frames were more prevalent than substantive frames in the New York Post sample. Substantive
frames were more prevalent than ambiguous frames in The New York Times sample. The
implications of the substance in each frame make for an interesting study. In light of the purpose
of most framing research, which is to identify possible correlations between journalism and
public opinion, it is important to understand the possible affect of a substantive or ambiguous
tailed
information and context while an ambiguous frame is vague and indistinct, providing little to no
While the Nation Looked On 56
context and lacking in clear information. This type of frame serves strictly as a map for its

According to M
frame valence and/or level of frame substance of a news article about youth voting would
influence the attitudes of young people, frame substance may have a positive relationship with
information retention. The more substantive a frame, the more information is likely to be
retained regarding a certain news article. The study also found that the political attitudes
measured remained unfazed by exposure to ambiguous frames. With this in mind, the use of
ambiguous frames over substantive frames may have less of an effect on public opinion. The
New York Post utilized more ambiguous frames and The New York Times utilized more
substantive frames. The valence of frames found in The New York Times did more closely match
public opinion as measured by various polls. (Public polls predominantly showed support for
) (Pellicano and Gross, 2007).
Framing substance in national print media may have affected the impact on public opinion. This
is, of course, only one of many factors, including the impact of multiple print news media
utilizing the same frames and substance.
Sources Cited

the results showed, both publications utilized the same sources on a variety of levels (with a few
exceptions). ,existed due to the inclusion
of editorials in the sample, the top categories were man on street and government officials for the
New York Post and The New York Times respectively. Interestingly, this matches previous
research in a 1980 content analysis. The study compared the two newspapers and discovered that
While the Nation Looked On 57
The New York Times was more likely to refer to official reactions and the New York Post more
frequently described unofficial reactions (Fenichel and Dan, 1980).
The valence of each source was also ascertained and provided insight into the valence of
present frames in each publication. The scores in eight of the categories reveal that the New York
Post was higher (closer to negative valence) than the score in The New York Post of the same
category. Thus, the valence of sources overall matched the valence of overall frames for each
publication and supported both RQ1 and RQ2. The sources used by each publication were
consistent with the pro-feeding tube removal or anti-feeding tube removal trend of the dominant
frames.
Implications
National newspapers have been shown to shape attitudes and beliefs, act as agents of
public education, and play a role in determining policy (Baillie, 1996 as cited in Holody, 2006).
More specifically, the framing theory suggests that news frames have a powerful effect on
influencing public opinionwhat is true and how truth should be understood. Content analysis
as a research method allows communication scholars to make inferences about the impact of
national media on society (Lowry, 2008). Framing moves the discussion. It directs attention and
can even go a step further to direct attention either positively or negatively.
The frames identified in the New York Post and The New York Times revealed that five
generic frames were present and each frame possessed inherent valence and a certain level of
substance. Sources were identified and found to support the dominant frames. The decision to

legal, political, moral, and medical. The month leading up to  death was filled
with controversy and conflict between two distinct, opposing sides. While national print news
While the Nation Looked On 58
media maintain that hard news coverage is objective and unbiased, this study reveals that both
the New York Post and The New York Times framed the case of Terri Schiavo with negative,
positive, or neutral tones. While neutral frames were most dominant in both publications, frames
with positive valence existed as a close second in The New York Times and were present over
frames with negative valence in all five frames. This reveals that The New York Times
maintained a consistent and strong lean toward removi
Conversely, the New York Post revealed frames with a negative valence followed by positive
valence. The trend arents was
not as extreme as the trends found in The New York Times.

of events a
(Bullock, 2008, p. 7). Each journalist utilizes certain frames to interpret life. Each newspaper, in
turn, publishes articles with particular life interpretations. Causation is not the purpose of this
study, but framing theory flirts with possible correlations between the worldview of journalists
and liberal or conservative ideologies of publications and the media they produce. This study
revealed that measurable, valenced frames do, indeed, exist within national print news media.
The very existence of such frames in the coverage of issues and events where life itself is at stake
implies the potential of news media to powerfully impact people and policy in the United States
for 
Limitations
The issue of objectivity is always present when a content analysis is conducted. The
limitations of the researcher concern objectivity which, for any researcher, is difficult to
perfectly attain. In order to overcome this limitation, it is important to understand that the issue
While the Nation Looked On 59
of objectivity exists and to respond accordingly. Utilizing a second coder, testing for intercoder
reliability, and creating a measureable coding system are three ways in which this researcher
attempted to overcome potential problems in objectivity.
The next limitation concerns the sample. First, the sample size was relatively small when
compared to other content analyses of news media. The time span could have been expanded to
include more than a 
the sample included both hard news and soft news. Soft news is generally laden with blatant
opinion and, as such, may have the potential to skew a framing analysis. This was taken into
account since the researcher believed that each publication still makes the choice to include soft

Another limitation of this study is its methodology. The framing analysis used a
deductive method. Frames were identified in prior research and coded for accordingly. This
leaves little room for emerging frames. However, one of the strengths of using predetermined
frames is repeatability and reliability. The frames were narrowed down to five choices. This is
certainly a limitation to the study as there were a number of other frames with which the
newspapers could have been coded. These frames could have then affected the results (including
levels of substance and valence). As a part of the methodology, the analysis of sources was also a
limitation. The researcher analyzed the first two sources in each article, believing them to set the
tone for the rest of the article. If all sources in each article were analyzed, the results could be
affected. In addition, each article was coded as a whole. Other content analyses code for each
paragraph within a given article in order to capture frames in detail.
Future Research
While the Nation Looked On 60
There are several avenues for future research regarding this topic. This study measured
frame presence, valence, and substance. Analyzing the same issue, but with the use of different
frames, would make for an addition to research. Issue-specific frames unique to the feeding tube
removal debate could be identified or even broader frames could be used. The relationship
between substance and valence could be drawn upon to determine the effects of substance on a
The correlation between frame substance and other frame
classifications could also be explored.
More framing analyses of the New York Post and The New York Times exploring other
controversial issues or events should be conducted. More recent related issues or events would
make for an interesting study to determine whether frames and valences have changed. Coverage
of Terri Schiavo and coverage in the New York Post and The New York Times of another similar,
but more recent, case would also make for an interesting study.
This study focused only on news coverage contained in two national newspapers. Instead,
there could be a comparison between three or more newspapers of different demographics across
the country. The St. Petersburg Times could be included in a future analysis since it featured
local coverage of the Terri Schiavo case. In addition, future analyses of 
should include coverage in other media. Future studies could examine the coverage of Terri

other media. News coverage of Terri Schiavo in international media could also prove
informative.
This study has shown that there is a relationship between cited sources and present
frames. But the question remains, how does framing affect an audience? If a source is
paraphrased, does it have as much of an impact as a quote? If a source is given without much
While the Nation Looked On 61
background, does that limit its impact on the frames? Which sources are deemed by audiences as
the most trustworthy? Why? How exactly do sources affect the valence of a frame? Is it what
they say or the way in which they say it? What is the impact of an official source versus a man
on the street? Future studies should attempt to answer these questions to better discover the
deeper impact that sources, and framing, have on controversial issues and events.
While the Nation Looked On 62
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While the Nation Looked On 69
APPENDICES
Code Sheet
Coder ID
Article Number
Article Headline
Publication
The New York Post (1)
The New York Times (2)
Story Classification
Hard News (1)
Soft News (Features/Editorial/Opinion) (2)
Political Consequences Frame
Present (1)
Absent (2)
Substantive (1)
Ambiguous (2)
PositivePro-feeding tube removal (1)
NeutralBoth sides evenly represented (2)
NegativeAnti-feeding tube removal (3)
While the Nation Looked On 70
Legal Process Frame
Present (1)
Absent (2)
Substantive (1)
Ambiguous (2)
Positive (1)
Neutral (2)
Negative (3)
Medical Frame
Present (1)
Absent (2)
Substantive (1)
Ambiguous (2)
Positive (1)
Neutral (2)
Negative (3)
While the Nation Looked On 71
Moral Frame
Present (1)
Absent (2)
Substantive (1)
Ambiguous (2)
Positive (1)
Neutral (2)
Negative (3)
Family/Relational Conflict Frame
Present (1)
Absent (2)
Substantive (1)
Ambiguous (2)
Positive (1)
Neutral (2)
Negative (3)
Provide a noteworthy statement that is most indicative of the overall story.
While the Nation Looked On 72
Sources
Article cited the following sources of information to support positive frames (pro-removal),
negative frames (anti-removal), or neither positive nor negative frames (neutral). Record ONLY
the first and second source:
1. Michael Schiavo; (1) (2) (3)
2. the Schindler parents and family; (1) (2) (3)
3. lawyers; (1) (2) (3)
4. doctors; (1) (2) (3)
5. journalists; (1) (2) (3)
6. elected and government officials; (1) (2) (3)
7. courts; (1) (2) (3)
8. religious groups and leaders; (1) (2) (3)
9. man on street; (1) (2) (3)
10. all other sources (1) (2) (3)
While the Nation Looked On 73
Codebook
Coder ID
Coders will input their first, middle, and last initials for identification purposes.
Story Number
Input the three or four digit number identifying each story.
Story Headline
Provide the exact headline that was associated with each story. Subheadings are not needed.
Story Classification
Answers must be constrained to one of the following answers:
Hard News: defined as a story likely to be featured in a hard news section of a media outlet (e.g.,
the front page). Such a story would consist primarily of facts and information.
Soft News (Features): defined as a story likely to be featured in a soft news section of a media
outlet (e.g., the features page; entertainment page) consisting primarily of biographies,
narratives, and areas of interest.
Frames

ch frame listed
below has the following options through which to provide a description. These choices are
divided into three sections for each frame.
Answers must be constrained to one of the following answers:
Presence
While the Nation Looked On 74
Present: The frame being coded for is present in the story content. Coders should mark the frame
as present no matter its level of prominence.
Absent: The frame being coded for does not exist in the story content.
Answers must be constrained to one of the following answers:
Substance: Indicate the amount of coverage devoted to a particular frame. Choose 1
(substantive) or 2 (ambiguous).
1: Does the story provide adequate context surrounding discussion of the particular frame? The
frame being coded for is prominent throughout at least one third of the overall story. Although
the frame may not be the sole focus of the release, the author does utilize significant time or
effort in discussing it.
2: Is the frame being coded for vague and lacking in context surrounding discussion of the
particular frame? The frame is present but is featured with negligible to moderate prominence.
The author may not focus on the frame but it is present in some form. (Holody, 2006, p. 80)
Answers must be constrained to one of the following:
Valence: Indicate the overall tone of the news frame toward the removal of S
tube. Choose 1 (positive/pro-removal claim), 2 (neutral) or 3 (negative/against-removal claim).
Answers may consist of any of the following:
Political Consequences Frame: Defined as a focus on any short or long-term political
consequences that would come from the outcome of the Schiavo story. Political consequences
may involve normal political events such as elections. The consequences may be either positive
While the Nation Looked On 75
or negative, and may be for an individual (e.g., a politician; physician) or a group (e.g.,
Republicans, Democrats). Divided into positive consequences due to removal of feeding tube
and negative consequences due to removal of feeding tube.
Moral Frame: Defined as a focus on any moral or religious beliefs dealing with the outcome of
the Schiavo story. Such beliefs may be positive (for it) or negative (against it), and can be secular
in nature. Does the story contain a moral message? Does the story make reference to morality,
God, or other religious tenets? Does the story offer specific (social) prescriptions or solutions
about how to behave/act (Serge, 2009)?
Family Conflict Frame: Defined as the direct mention of any conflict dealing with the Schiavo

coverage makes winning and losing the central concern and may be diagnostic in nature or focus
on who is seemingly triumphant in this conflict. Does the story reflect disagreement between
family and husband? Does one party/individual reproach another? Does the story refer to two
sides or to more than two sides of the problem/issue (Serge, 2009)?
Legal Process Frame: Defined as a focus on the legality of any steps intended to keep or

jurisdiction; the authority and action of judges. Such legal action may be positive (for
euthanasia) or negative (against euthanasia) (Pellicano and Gross, 2008).
While the Nation Looked On 76
Medical Frame: Defined as a focus on the medical nature of the case. There must be an
argument offered to code for this, not just description, i.e., Terri Schiavo is brain-dead, there is
too much brain-damage to recover/ persistent vegetative state prevents recovery and Terri
Schiavo is brain-damage but can recover (Pellicano and Gross, 2008).
Coders were then asked to specify what sources were cited in the news coverage of the Terri
Schiavo case.
Source 1: Indicate the name and valence of the person or group that is cited or quoted first in the
article.
Source 2: Indicate the name and valence of the person or group that is cited or quoted second in
the article
1. Michael Schiavo; (1) (2) (3)
2. the Schindler parents and family; (1) (2) (3)
3. lawyers; (1) (2) (3)
4. doctors; (1) (2) (3)
5. journalists; (1) (2) (3)
6. elected and government officials; (1) (2) (3)
7. courts; (1) (2) (3)
8. religious groups and leaders; (1) (2) (3)
9. man on street; (1) (2) (3)
10. all other sources (1) (2) (3)